何敬康議員辦事處(康怡花園)今天開幕
日期︰2023 年 6 月 24 日
為進一步開拓港島東區(康怡花園)的議員辦事處服務,位於康盛街18號地下2號舖的何敬康議員辦事處,今天(24日)開幕和啟用。開幕禮於上午十時三十分開始,行政會議召集人、立法會議員暨新民黨主席葉劉淑儀女士、立法會議員何敬康先生、發展局局長甯漢豪女士、民政及青年事務局局長麥美娟女士、勞工及福利局局長孫玉菡先生、中聯辦社工部張昭副部長,與東區民政事務專員陳尚文先生,均有出席和主持開幕儀式。
葉劉淑儀女士首先向各嘉賓致歡迎辭:「很高興今天出席何敬康議員辦事處的成立,這是他2022年當選立法會議員以來,首個議員辦事處,地方優越,這次全靠社區發展主任的協助,找到這個辦事處。這是新民黨在康怡、康山區的第二個辦事處,也是我們在東區的第四個辦事處,可見新民黨很重視東區的工作。」
葉太讚揚何敬康服務社區的動力,「Adrian幹勁十足,當選議員以來,積極投入立法會的工作及活動。我認識他是在2019年社會最動亂的時候,他創立Save HK,勇敢為市民發聲,我和他可謂『忘年朋友』,非常合得來。他積極在網絡為民發聲。今天辦事處開幕,希望有多個平台給市民讓我們提供地區服務。」
發展局局長甯漢豪女士在開幕儀式致辭時表示,很高興出席何敬康議員辦事處的開幕,認為新民黨是一個很特別的政黨,有黨高層葉太與黎棟國議員帶領,甯局長謙稱二人是她的前輩與老師,身體力行作出很多指導,同時黨內有很多年青新力量。對於何敬康議員,甯局長稱發展局給他的稱號是「年輕才俊」,認為他作為愛港愛澳人士,願意跳出舒適區服務社區,十分難得,她深表佩服。
甯局長感謝葉太擔任2022年《發展(城市規劃、土地及工程)(雜項修訂)條例草案》委員會主席,引導立法會討論加快地區建設的法案。她稱未來當局將推動修改三項重要的民生相關的條例,包括強拍、地契,及打擊濫收水費的水務設施條例,將爭取地區人士支持。
民政及青年事務局局長麥美娟女士表示,她與新民黨的關係可謂戰友與很好的夥伴,彼此在地區工作多時,就像共同參與過多場「戰事」。麥局長稱與新民黨內多位成員在不同議題上也有合作,如前區議員、現為勞工及福利局局長政治助理傳曉琳女士;黎棟國常務副主席早年任保安局局長期間,便曾積極指導其地區服務事宜,協助基層市民維護權益,對他非常感激。
麥局長關注當前的完善地區治理工作,當局將全力做好地區治理工作,與社會各界及社團代表等充分合作與努力,提升市民的幸福感與獲得感。
勞工及福利局局長孫玉菡先生也在儀式上致辭,他表示由於兒子也叫Adrian,對何議員可一見如故,甚有親切感。孫局長讚揚Adrian人緣很好,今天得三位局長抽空出席辦事處開幕,非常難得。期望何議員議辦開幕後,多為地區做實事。
孫局長稱,在目前香港已進入政治新時代,行政、立法互相配合,當局將多推惠民政策,需要新民黨支持,他形容新民黨是中間溫和派,能從香港大局出發,推動香港前進,找到香港未來的出路。
最後,立法會議員何敬康先生向各嘉賓致謝辭:「今天喜獲多位重要人士與地區友好出席,我深感榮幸,受寵若驚。非常感謝新民黨尤其葉太的帶領,及東區各友好與同事協助,成就我今天設立當選後的第一個議員辦事處。」
「雖然我是透過選委會參選成為立法會議員,但葉太在選舉時已跟我說,當選後要面對市民,要找地方開辦事處,到今天終於成功開設議辦,地點位置珍貴,我承諾未來會積極聆聽市民意見。康怡面對一些社區問題,例如公共交通司機不足、無障礙通道與海濱設施也可繼續優化等等,未來我會為當區市民爭取改善。我將會從康怡開始,走入社區,接觸更多市民,未來為新民黨、為香港、為國家貢獻自己力量!」
各位主禮嘉賓致辭後,就進行剪綵、切燒豬儀式和大合照,祝賀位於康盛街18號地下2號舖的首個何敬康議員辦事處正式啟用,更廣泛地服務鄰近的市民。
|
|
Like it or not, Chinese ‘boys’ love’ fiction is popular in the West
文章
The op-ed, “How to tell China’s story” (July 14), misses an important genre which has gained growing popularity in the West and is far more telling of life in contemporary China than decades-old titles like Life and Death in Shanghai or Wild Swans.
I am referring to the internet fiction genre of danmei. Danmeiis a term which originated in Japan. This new genre has given rise to many phenomenally successful internet novels that have been turned into wildly popular Chinese television drama series and spawned English translations. An outstanding example is Grandmaster of Demonic Cultivation: Mo Dao Zu Shi, which was turned into a Chinese drama series, The Untamed, in 2019, translated into English and made available on Amazon. The Untamed catapulted two young actors, Xiao Zhan and Wang Yibo, to superstardom in China. Another highly successful publication is The Husky and His White Cat Shizun, the English version of which was on The New York Times’ bestselling list. The English version has such a wide following in the West that paperback editions are available.
Danmei novels celebrate “boys’ love” which is frowned on by the authorities. Immortality, a big-budget Chinese drama series produced by Tencent and based on The Husky, has been put on hold. But the genre continues to have a cult following in China and overseas, inspiring fan art, fan fiction and merchandise.
A lot of boys’ love internet novels were written by women for women. Why are they so popular with women in China? Their popularity reflects the frustration of contemporary Chinese women caught between the traditional, pragmatic, family-first concept of marriage and their yearnings for romance and true love as glorified in danmei fiction. Such fiction has become their channel for fantasy and escapism. Surprisingly the novels have also struck a chord with Western audiences.
While drama series based on such fiction have been banned, animated versions of some popular titles continue to be produced. The resilience of this genre, decried by the authorities as a lowbrow deviation from the officially sponsored “main melody” productions, reflects a subtle, ongoing tussle between the authorities and creative artists. Most of the time the authorities win, but the bans have not stopped private enterprise and creative genius from finding room for this genre to flourish. Call it the “one eye open, one eye shut” attitude of the authorities?
|
|
盛事貴精不貴多 / Quality is more important than quantity for mega-events
文章
特區政府自去年開始推動盛事經濟,希望透過舉辦及支持國際級大型盛事(mega events),吸引高增值旅客訪港,加強本港旅遊業的競爭力,提振經濟。
根據政府提供的盛事年表,香港在2024 年全年將舉辦多達數百項大型盛事,數量之龐大,不禁讓人臆想,這些活動真的能稱得上是「盛事」嗎?
現時,對國際級大型盛事較主流的定義源自蘇黎世大學在2015 年一篇論文中提出的標準。作者認為一項盛事活動的訪客人數(visitor attractiveness)、轉播收益(mediated reach)、活動成本(cost)及對城市基建規劃的影響(urban transformation)都要達到一定規模才能定義為國際級大型盛事。
按照上述定義,如Taylor Swift 及其他國際級巨星舉辦的巡迴演唱會,或像 LIV Golf 巡迴賽和國家七人欖球賽等大型體育賽事都屬於國際級大型盛事。但規模如此龐大的活動,涉及海量的前期籌備工作,對場地亦有一定要求,每年能舉辦一至兩場已是不易。
反觀盛事年表所羅列的活動,不少活動或規模太小,或目標客群太窄,有些只是行業展覽,難以吸引境外旅客訪港,實在不能稱之為盛事。更令人嘆息的是,特區政府為不少「盛事」提供了資助,但這些活動本身的吸金能力相當有限,非但不能振興消費市道,反而導致公帑打了水漂。
以今年2 月舉辦的「Chubby Hearts Hong Kong」為例,政府慷慨地資助主辦方780 萬港元,但對活動的討論始終只停留在本地的媒體間,並未引起境外媒體關注,遑論吸引旅客訪港。
雖然政府推動盛事經濟的政策初衷良好,但這些所謂盛事屢次甩碌出醜,加上現時財政緊絀,政府應重新檢視成效。長遠而言,我認為政府應放棄「廣撒網、多斂魚」的思維,集中資助有真正吸金能力的盛事,避免再次「倒錢落海」。
Quality is more important than quantity for mega-eventsSince last year, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government has been promoting the mega-events economy, hoping to attract high-yielding visitors to Hong Kong through hosting and supporting international mega-events, strengthen the competitiveness of the local tourism industry, and boost the economy.
According to the event calendar provided by the government, Hong Kong will host over hundreds of major events throughout 2024. The massive scale prompts wonder - can these activities truly be called "mega-events"?
Currently, the more mainstream definition of international mega-events comes from criteria proposed in a 2015 paper by University of Zurich. It argued that the visitor attractiveness, mediated reach, cost and impact on urban planning of an event need to reach a certain scale to be defined as an international mega-event.
According to these definitions, concerts by Taylor Swift and other international megastars, or large-scale sporting events like the LIV Golf Tour and National Seven-a-Side Rugby would constitute international mega-events. However, events of such scale involve tremendous preparation work and have certain venue requirements - it would already be difficult to host one to two annually.
In contrast, many events listed in the calendar have either too small a scale, narrow target audience or are simply trade exhibitions, failing to attract foreign visitors to Hong Kong and not qualifying as mega-events. More regrettably, the SAR government has subsidized numerous "mega-events" but their ability to generate revenue is limited, instead of stimulating consumption they divert public funds.
Taking "Chubby Hearts Hong Kong" in February as an example, the government generously funded the organizer $7.8 million HKD but discussion around the event was confined locally, without catching foreign media attention much less attracting tourists.
While the mega-events economic policy intent is sound, these so-called events have repeatedly underdelivered. With fiscal austerity, the government should re-evaluate effectiveness. In the long run, relying less on a scattergun approach and concentrating resources on events with genuine revenue-generating ability could prevent further waste of public money.
|
|
英國制度缺點的完美體現 / The Perfect Embodiment of the Flaws in the British System
文章
前文提到,工黨議員韋雅蘭(Angela Rayner)憑高中輟學學歷成為新一任英國副首相,引來外界的關注。回顧歷史,英國歷屆政府只有8 位首相未獲得大學學位,而韋雅蘭更是唯一一位學歷為高中輟學的副首相。
有支持者認為,韋雅蘭能透過選舉一躍成為英國政府的二把手,既體現了民主制度中「主權在民」(popular sovereignty)的核心理念,亦證明了即使階級制度森嚴如英國,基層人民仍可憑藉自己的才能實現向上流動,反映出英式民主制度的優越性。但我認為韋雅蘭的任命非但未能體現英國政制的優點,反而進一步揭示了其制度的缺陷。
英國選舉採用單議席單票制,每個選區只有一個議席並以多數制決定勝負。在多黨競爭的情况下,很容易出現候選人在未獲得多數票的情况下當選。加上英國是按註冊選民數量,而非實際人口數量去劃分選區,導致選舉結果更容易向兩大黨傾斜。在這種扭曲選制下誕生的議員是否真的具有民意授權,是個值得商榷的問題。其次,英國內閣大臣的任命除考慮議員自身能力外,亦取決於其在政黨內的站隊,投機成分相當大。
韋雅蘭之所以能在2015 年首次進入下議院後,在翌年就迅速獲任命為影子內閣大臣,主要得益於她在2016 年工黨內訌時堅定站隊時任黨魁郝爾彬。實際上,英國政界都對韋雅蘭的晉升速度之快感到驚奇。當她在2023 年9 月影子內閣重組時獲委任為影子副首相一事,就引起了外界的激烈討論。
不過,副首相本身僅是一個非常設職務,任命與否全憑首相意願。由於沒有法定權力,副首相的實質權力及職能往往會視乎擔任者而有所差異,其主要職務更多時候是代替首相前往下議院接受議員質詢,屬於無所任大臣(minister without portfolio)的一種。我相信韋雅蘭是由於缺乏足夠的專業知識去處理其他部門的工作,才獲委任為副首相。
當一國的副首相是由一位才幹未受考驗,又無足夠民意授權的議會新兵擔任,又如何能顯示出英國的制度優勢?
The Perfect Embodiment of the Flaws in the British System
As mentioned earlier, Labour Party member Angela Rayner became the new UK Deputy Prime Minister with only a secondary education background, drawing public attention. Looking back in history, only 8 out of the UK's prime ministers did not have a university degree, while Rayner is the only deputy prime minister with an educational background of dropping out of high school.
Some supporters believe that Rayner's ability to rise through elections to become the UK government's second-in-command embodies the core idea of "popular sovereignty" in a democratic system, and proves that even in a strictly class-based system like the UK, grassroots people can still achieve upward mobility through their own abilities, reflecting the superiority of the British democratic system. However, I believe Rayner's appointment does not demonstrate the advantages of the UK political system, but further reveals its flaws.
The UK uses the single-seat single-vote constituency system for elections, with each constituency having only one seat decided by plurality voting. In a multi-party competition environment, candidates can easily win without obtaining a majority of votes. Coupled with the UK delineating constituencies based on registered voter numbers rather than actual population, the election results are more likely to tilt towards the two major parties. Whether MPs elected under such a distorted electoral system truly have a mandate from the people is debatable.
Furthermore, the appointment of UK cabinet ministers depends not only on the individual's capabilities but also on their positioning within the political party, with a high degree of opportunism.
The main reason Rayner was able to be appointed as a shadow cabinet minister in 2016, just a year after first entering the House of Commons in 2015, was because of her staunch support of then Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn during the Labour infighting in 2016. Actually, the speed of Rayner's rise surprised many in UK politics.
When she was appointed as Shadow Deputy Prime Minister in September 2023 during a reshuffle of the Shadow Cabinet, it sparked intense public discussion.
However, the role of Deputy Prime Minister itself is a non-permanent position determined by the Prime Minister's discretion. Due to its lack of statutory powers, the actual authority and functions of the Deputy Prime Minister can vary depending on the individual, with the main duties often being to replace the Prime Minister in responding to questions from MPs in the House of Commons - equivalent to a minister without portfolio. I believe Rayner was appointed as Deputy Prime Minister because she lacked sufficient professional knowledge to handle work in other departments.
How can the appointment of a deputy prime minister of a country who is an inexperienced new MP without sufficient democratic mandate demonstrate the advantages of the UK system?
|
|