「我經歷家道中落，憑發奮好學、努力工作，一步步走到今天。我和許多港人一樣，相信天道酬勤；三次出洋留學，更令我深信教育和知識的力量。我希望新一代同樣有發揮所長的機會，使這些信念能夠延續下去，薪火相傳。今後，讓我們繼續共建希望，開拓美好未來！」
簡介
葉劉淑儀 GBM, GBS, JP (大紫荊勳賢、金紫荊星章、非官守太平紳士)
葉劉淑儀(香港大學文學士(一級榮譽)、英國格拉斯哥大學文學碩士、美國史丹福大學管理碩士、美國史丹福大學東亞研究文學碩士)
葉劉淑儀女士於1975年至2003年在香港政府服務，期間曾於多個不同範疇工作，包括在地區層面推行政府民主化、國際工貿及保安。她是首名被委任出掌紀律部隊(入境事務處)的女性(1996-98)，亦是首名女性保安局局長(1998-2003)。
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2003年，葉劉淑儀女士辭去在香港特區政府的職務，帶女兒到美國就學，自己亦在當地進修。她在史丹福大學完成東亞研究文學碩士課程後，於2006年6月回港。她在2006年7月成立了智囊組織「匯賢智庫」，集中研究香港憲制和經濟兩方面的結構性問題。「匯賢智庫」的核心願景，就是令香港轉型為知識型經濟。
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2008年9月，葉劉淑儀女士在立法會選舉(香港島地方選區)獲選為立法會議員。
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2011年1月，葉劉淑儀女士創立「新民黨」，獲選為黨主席。2012年、2016年及2021年，三度成功連任立法會議員。
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2012年10月及2017年7月，葉劉淑儀女士獲委任為行政會議非官守議員。
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2015年9月，葉劉淑儀牽頭成立了「海上絲綢之路協會」，擔任聯席主席。
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2016年12月，葉劉淑儀向行政長官辭去行政會議成員職務並獲批准。她曾參選2012年及2017年行政長官選舉。
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2022年7月，葉劉淑儀獲香港特區第六屆政府委任為新一屆行政會議召集人。
愛文學的乖乖女
我的父親乃新加坡華僑，原籍廣東佛山南海（與葉問同鄉）。從爸爸口中得知，曾祖父在星洲發跡後，心懷家國，回到唐山建祖屋、聯絡鄉親。兒時，爸爸經常奔走星、港兩地；可惜後來生意艱難，家境漸困。
母親十分重視教育，即使我們家道中落，她仍堅持將我送到校風純樸的聖士提反女校上學。自四歲起在教會學校讀書，我較多機會接觸英語及英國文學，「數口不精」的我較愛語文及人文學科，後來考入香港大學英國文學系，以一級榮譽畢業。
父親在我大學畢業前過世，我身為長女，自此肩負起養家的責任。畢業不久，可能與我愛學習有關吧，到了新法書院當教師，教授「老本行」英語及英國文學。數十年後的今天，我仍非常喜歡教書，間中會到自己於2009年創辦的匯賢智庫學苑向中學生講課，既可重拾昔日興趣，又有機會與年輕人談天，聽聽他們的想法。
1973年，我靠著一點積蓄，隻身到蘇格蘭格拉斯哥大學，在艱苦的環境下完成英國文學碩士學位。雖然我在學校多接觸「番書」，但受媽媽的薰陶，自幼對中國文學（特別劇曲）的興趣甚濃。現在，雖然立法會及政黨工作繁重，我仍會間中抽空欣賞京劇及其他地方戲曲，閒時也愛閲讀經、史、子、集及其他文學經典。
公僕銅人行
1975年，我獲聘為政務主任，從低做起，在多個政府部門服務。
任職工商科、貿易署和工業署時，我與多國及歐共體、世貿、亞太經合組織等談判，為本地業界掃除貿易障礙，並推動科技創新和工業發展。
1996年任入境處處長，隨後當上保安局局長；我四出推銷特區護照，爭取到歐盟免簽證，奠定多國免簽證的基礎。此外，我亦處理了多項棘手問題，包括居港權、公安條例、張子強綁架案等，為保障港人的穩定生活出一分力。
擔任公職近30年來，我不僅見證了地區民主化、主權回歸、新機場啟動以及香港作為中國第一個特區的早期發展等歷史里程碑，亦處理過不少極具爭議性的任務，大大提升了我的政治能力。
學會謙卑 政治科學101
2003年推動《基本法》廿三條立法的經歷，是我人生重要一課。我於是決定實踐一個醖釀多年的念頭──繼1986年到史丹福修讀管理碩士課程後，我重返校園，「回到曠野」。在美國史丹福的第一年，我擔任訪問學人。在鳥語花香的校園，生活恬靜，終能真正與女兒享受家庭樂。同時，我不斷深切反思從前為官時之不足，以及推銷政策時之錯誤，覺悟自己當年解釋政策時的確忽略了市民感受。
我在史丹福的第二年，獲東亞研究碩士課程取錄，重新學習政治科學；不但學習書本上的理論，也親身體會到美國的民主政治和選舉模式。2005年年底，我與在史丹福認識的一群香港「同學仔」，以及住在三藩市灣區的科技界人士，計劃回港組織智庫，以期推動香港的科技創新及經濟轉型，鼓勵有識之士積極參政，發展優質民主。
2006年我取得人生中第三個碩士學位（東亞研究）。留學外地，雖然清靜安逸，但我時刻記掛著香港；憑藉三年留學之體驗，我深切體會到，若得不到民意授權，始終難以服務社會；故於2007年我毅然重新起步，返港參選。
走民主路 重獲市民信任
2006年我回港成立匯賢智庫，2009年創立匯賢智庫學苑，至今已收生越千人，2011年創立新民黨，積極推動香港民主發展。
2007年，我參加立法會港島區補選，雖然敗於陳方安生女士，但有幸得到13萬7千多名選民支持，獲得近43%選票。2008年，我再接再厲參選，我們的團隊得到超過6萬1千票，是全港得票第四高的名單。
進入立法會後，我參加了9個事務委員會，關注各個政策範疇。我關心中產議題（包括動議撤銷外傭稅，使政府暫緩執行）；協助雷曼迷債苦主，提出金融改革建議；力倡促進科技發展和改善教育；反對降低強拍門檻；向各方解釋居港權問題，提出解決方法……數年努力，終獲市民認同，民調多次把我列為最受歡迎議員，給我極大鼓舞。
相信希望 共建香港
近年，社會經常討論甚麼是香港的核心價值。香港吸納了許多西方文化的優點，例如健全法制、自由人權和科學管理；同時，我們亦保持華人的優良傳統，如重視家庭和教育，以及堅持奮鬥、深信努力總有回報的精神。這些都是香港賴以成功的要素。
我經歷家道中落，憑發奮好學、努力工作，一步步走到今天。我和許多港人一樣，相信天道酬勤；三次出洋留學，更令我深信教育和知識的力量。我希望新一代同樣有發揮所長的機會，使這些信念能夠延續下去，薪火相傳。回港後這幾年，我為30多名年輕人提供就業機會，並鼓勵了多位青年參政，這可說是我最感自豪的成就之一。
早前，新民黨和匯賢智庫的手足同僚在辦公室為我舉行了一個小型生日派對。他們請我許願，我說，在奮鬥的路途上，幸得朋友挺身支持，我已非常感恩，別無他願。今後我只會繼續努力，在不同崗位服務市民，為香港出一分力。
一直以來，我們相信希望，創出奇蹟；今後，讓我們繼續共建希望，開拓美好未來！
學歷及專業資格
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香港大學文學士（一級榮譽）
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英國格拉斯哥大學文學碩士
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美國史丹福大學管理碩士
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美國史丹福大學東亞研究文學碩士
工作經歷
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新法書院大坑道分校學位教師
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政務主任 （輔政司署銓敘科）
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民政署社區關係主任
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旺角民政主任
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助理新界民政司
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政務總署首席助理政務司
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首席助理保安司
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助理貿易署署長
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副行政署長
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副工商司
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工業署署長
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人民入境事務處處長（入境事務處處長）
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保安局局長
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匯賢智庫創會主席
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新民黨主席
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立法會議員(香港島西)
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行政會議召集人
Biography
Regina IP LAU Suk Yee, GBM, GBS, JP
Regina IP LAU Suk Yee - B.A.-First Class Honor (University of Hong Kong), Master of Letters (University of Glasgow), Master of Science in Management (Stanford University), and Master of Art in East Asian Studies (Stanford University)
Mrs. Ip worked for the Hong Kong Government from 1975 to 2003. During that time, she served in a wide range of areas including democratization of local government, international trade and industry and security. She was the first woman to be appointed the head of a disciplined service (Immigration Department) (1996-98) and as Secretary for Security of Hong Kong (1998-2003).
In 2003 Mrs. Ip resigned from her position in the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to take her daughter to the U.S. for education and to pursue higher studies herself. In June 2006, she returned to Hong Kong after completing the MA program in East Asian Studies at Stanford University. In July 2006, she established Savantas Policy Institute, a think tank focused on tackling the twin structural constitutional and economic problems of Hong Kong. The core vision of Savantas is to transform Hong Kong into a knowledge-based economy.
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In September 2008, Mrs. Ip was elected Legislative Council Member in the Hong Kong Island geographical constituency.
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In January 2011, Mrs. Ip founded New People’s Party and was elected the party chairperson. She was re-elected as Legislative Council Member in September 2012, 2016, and December 2021respectively.
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In October 2012 and July 2017, Mrs. Ip was appointed as Non-Official Member of the Executive Council (ExCo).
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In September 2015, she established the “Maritime Silk Road Society” (MSRS), and is now Co-Chair of the organization.
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In December 2016, Mrs. Ip resigned from the Executive Council. She ran in both 2012 and 2017 Chief Executive elections.
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She is currently the Convenor of the Executive Council for the sixth term of the HKSAR Government.
前文提及，美國政壇高齡化的情况變得愈發普遍。新聞網站「對話」（The Conversation）的一篇文章認為，造成此現象的其中一個原因是由於醫學進步，令老年人較以往健康，得以延遲退休。同時，文章進一步指出，認知和心理上的原因亦是導致這些資深政壇老將至今仍然活躍於政治舞台上的重要因素。
作者認為，在心理層面上促使這些政客繼續工作的動機，在於他們「不服老」的態度和缺少其他興趣所致。年長人士總希望證明能夠自主自立，不許依靠他人。至於後者，文章則指出，這些政客由於長期都醉心於工作，缺乏私人時間去探索自己熱愛的興趣。這使得他們離開工作崗位後，由於無事可做，不知道該如何面對自己餘下的人生。
而在認知層面上，有相當部分的資深政客始終抱有一種自己無法被取代的優越感。上文提及，以曾兩度於記者面前失神的共和黨參議院少數黨領袖麥康奈爾為例，作為一個政壇的老油條，麥康奈爾對於自己在制定選舉策略和游說方面的能力十分自豪。著名新聞網站「政客」（Politico）的一篇文章就詳述了麥康奈爾如何成功煽動民主黨參議員曼欽退出明年的參議院選舉，並暗示可能參選明年的總統大選。間接幫助了共和黨在西弗吉尼亞州的選情，並「𠝹」去拜登的選票。
由於曼欽在民主黨內屬於較為溫和的「中間派」，在個別議題上能夠和共和黨達成共識，因此在民主黨內並不受待見。而且他所在的西弗吉尼亞州本身又是共和黨的票倉，自身的選情較為嚴峻。麥康奈爾看準這一點，成功說服曼欽退出選舉。由於現時民主黨以51 對49 票的微弱優勢控制着參議院，如該州共和黨候選人成功當選，將會加大共和黨奪回參議院控制權的可能性。麥康奈爾本人對此事作為重要政績引以為榮，認為自己在黨內的價值難以被取代。
上述的例子可謂印證了「薑還是老的辣」這句說話。或許當今美國政壇高齡化的原因，正是因為這些資深政客身上具備年輕政客所缺乏的謀略和目光。
As mentioned earlier, the aging of the American political arena has become increasingly prevalent. An article on the news website "The Conversation" suggests that one of the reasons for this phenomenon is the advancement of medical science, which allows older individuals to maintain better health and delay retirement. Additionally, the article points out that cognitive and psychological factors play a significant role in keeping these seasoned politicians active in the political stage.
The author believes that the motivation for these politicians to continue working lies in their attitude of "refusing to grow old" and a lack of other interests. Older individuals often want to prove their ability to be self-sufficient and not rely on others. As for the latter, the article suggests that these politicians have been so immersed in their work for a long time that they lack personal time to explore their passions and hobbies. This leaves them unsure of how to face the remaining years of their lives once they leave their positions.
On the cognitive level, a considerable number of senior politicians maintain a sense of superiority that they cannot be replaced. As mentioned earlier, an example is Senate Minority Leader McConnell, who had two instances of losing consciousness in front of reporters. As a seasoned political operator, McConnell takes great pride in his ability to formulate election strategies and engage in lobbying. An article on the well-known news website "Politico" details how McConnell successfully instigated Democratic Senator Manchin to withdraw from next year's Senate election and hinted at a possible presidential run. This indirectly helped the Republican Party in the election in West Virginia and "eroded" Biden's votes.
Since Manchin is considered a more moderate "centrist" within the Democratic Party and can find common ground with Republicans on certain issues, he is not well-received within the Democratic Party. Moreover, West Virginia, where he is from, is a Republican stronghold, making his own electoral prospects more challenging. McConnell recognized this and successfully persuaded Manchin to withdraw from the election. With the current Democratic Party holding a slim majority of 51 to 49 in the Senate, if a Republican candidate wins in that state, it will increase the likelihood of Republicans regaining control of the Senate. McConnell himself takes pride in this achievement and believes that his value within the party is irreplaceable.
The above example can be seen as evidence of the saying, "Old ginger is spicier." Perhaps the reason for the aging of the American political arena today is that these senior politicians possess the strategic thinking and vision that younger politicians lack.
2024年逐步逼近，美國又將迎來新一輪選舉周期。除了四年一屆的美國總統大選外，眾議院全部435席位及參議院100席位中的34席亦將於2024年改選。
目前，共和、民主兩黨已有多位政客宣布參選，競逐總統寶座，包括爭取連任的現屆總統拜登、一直籌謀東山再起的前總統特朗普，還有前美國駐聯合國大使黑利（NikkiHaley），以及現任佛羅里達州州長德桑蒂斯（Ron DeSantis）等。
名單看來星光熠熠，但是美國公眾似乎更關注他們的高齡狀况，皆因拜登和特朗普已屆80及77歲古稀之齡，美國選民擔憂他們的身體狀態是否適合履行總統的繁重職務。
總統候選人的高齡化同時反映美國政壇高齡化日益嚴重。根據國際國會聯盟（Inter-ParliamentaryUnion）的統計，美國參議員的平均年齡為64歲，為世界第七高。同時，華府不少主要官員及政治領袖都由較年長的人士擔任，例如財長耶倫（77歲）、聯儲局主席鮑威爾（70歲）以及參議院共和黨領袖麥康奈爾（81歲），而83歲的眾議院前議長佩洛西早前亦宣布再次競逐連任眾議院議席；部分人士的健康情况似乎不大理想，拜登屢次跌倒受傷，又經常在公開場合說錯話，麥康奈爾更曾兩度於鏡頭前失神逾20秒及30秒。
另一方面，也有高齡議員堅持履行職務至生命最後一刻，例如剛於9月逝世的民主黨資深參議員DianneFeinstein，她在2月本因確診帶狀疱疹需要暫停職務，但她選擇告病假長達兩個月也不辭去參議員職位。
回顧當年，老布殊在1992年連任總統失敗後，便順勢退休，當時他68歲。為何來到今天，美國政壇會愈來愈高齡化？
新聞網站「對話」（The Conversation）11月6日便有文章拆解原因，主要是因為醫學進步，人類平均較以往長壽，很多長者都身心健康，加上累積了寶貴的人生及工作經驗，適合繼續處理日常工作，政壇也不例外。至於其他原因，下期詳述。
As 2024 approaches, the United States is gearing up for another election cycle. In addition to the quadrennial presidential election, all 435 seats in the House of Representatives and 34 seats in the Senate will also be up for election in 2024.
Currently, several politicians from the Republican and Democratic parties have announced their candidacy for the presidential race. This includes the incumbent President Biden seeking re-election, former President Trump, who has been contemplating a comeback, as well as former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley and current Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, among others.
While the list appears star-studded, the American public seems more concerned about the age of these candidates. Biden and Trump are already in their 80s and 77s, respectively, and voters worry about their physical condition and whether they are fit to handle the demanding duties of the presidency.
The aging of presidential candidates reflects a broader trend of aging in the American political arena. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union's statistics, the average age of U.S. senators is 64, ranking seventh highest in the world. Additionally, many of Washington's key officials and political leaders are older individuals. For example, Treasury Secretary Yellen (77), Federal Reserve Chairman Powell (70), and Senate Republican Leader McConnell (81) are all advanced in age. Former Speaker of the House Pelosi, who is 83 years old, has recently announced her intention to run for re-election to the House of Representatives. Some of these individuals' health conditions seem less than ideal, with Biden experiencing multiple falls and injuries and frequently making verbal gaffes in public. McConnell has also had two episodes of losing consciousness for over 20 seconds and 30 seconds on camera.
On the other hand, there are also elderly lawmakers who insist on serving until their last moments. For example, Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein, who passed away in September, initially took a leave of absence in February due to a shingles diagnosis but chose to remain in office for an additional two months while on sick leave.
Looking back, former President George H.W. Bush retired at the age of 68 after losing his re-election bid in 1992. Why has the American political arena become increasingly dominated by older individuals today?
An article published on the news website "The Conversation" on November 6 provides insights into the reasons behind this trend. One key factor is the advancement of medical science, which has led to increased life expectancy. Many seniors today are physically and mentally healthy, and they have accumulated valuable life and work experience, making them suitable for continuing their day-to-day duties, including in politics. The detailed discussion of other factors will be covered in the next installment.
前文提到，美國政客為抑制中國科技行業的增長勢頭，不惜使出行政手段斷絕兩國之間的學術交流，慎防技術泄漏。美國司法部實施的「中國行動計劃」便是其中最具爭議性的「獵巫行動」。
「中國行動計劃」是由特朗普政府第一任司法部長塞申斯於2018年11月宣布開展的計劃，旨在找出並起訴所有潛伏在美國境內、與中國有聯繫的「科技間諜」。按照《經濟學人》文章的說法，計劃成效未如人意，約150名華裔學者因該計劃而受到司法部調查，在成功檢控的案例中，被告多是遭控告如欺騙科研經費等情節相對較輕的罪名，而非間諜罪。更多的情况是，司法部由於無法找到足夠的證據去證明嫌疑人有為中國從事任何間諜活動，最後要撤銷檢控並淪為大眾的笑柄。當中，司法部對麻省理工學院陳剛教授的調查行動可說是「中國行動計劃」的著名失敗案例。
陳剛教授是一位於美國取得博士學位的中國機械工程師。《紐約時報》一篇文章指出，FBI於2021年1月指控陳剛在提交科研撥款申請時涉嫌未披露與中國相關的聯繫，因而將他拘捕。後來，麻省理工力挺陳剛，FBI亦未能找到「實錘」證據提出檢控，司法部方才罷休。但是已對陳剛的名譽及工作造成打擊。
陳剛以外，有更多中國學者因遭受這計劃調查而失去工作，甚至被美國政府列入「禁飛名單」，無法透過航空交通前往、途經或飛離美國。
後來，因為計劃成效不彰，美國司法部終於在2022年2月宣布結束長達數年的「中國行動計劃」。
其實，中美雙方能在不同的科技領域形成互補，兩國的學術界若是全面脫鈎，相信對雙方都是有百害而無一利。亞利桑那大學於2020年發表了一份研究報告，由於與中國學者合著的論文不會納入計算，美國在科學及工程領域方面發表的論文數量分別在2014和2018年錄得輕微跌幅，可謂自食其果。因此，我認為中美兩國應本着平等互利的原則，放下成見，盡快恢復雙方學術界的交流合作。
In the previous articles, it was mentioned that American politicians, in an effort to curb the growth of China's technology industry, have used administrative measures to sever academic exchanges between the two countries, in order to prevent technology leaks. One of the most controversial actions implemented by the U.S. Department of Justice is the "China Initiative," which can be considered a "witch hunt" against Chinese scientists.
The China Initiative was announced by former U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions in November 2018, with the aim of identifying and prosecuting all "technology spies" with connections to China who are operating in the United States. According to The Economist article, the initiative has been less effective than anticipated. Around 150 Chinese-American scholars have been investigated by the Department of Justice under this initiative. In the cases where successful prosecutions have occurred, the defendants have faced relatively minor charges such as fraudulently obtaining research funding, rather than espionage charges. In many cases, the Department of Justice has been unable to find sufficient evidence to prove that the suspects were engaged in any espionage activities for China, resulting in the charges being dropped and becoming a subject of ridicule. One notable failed case of the China Initiative is the investigation against Professor Gang Chen at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).
Professor Gang Chen is a Chinese mechanical engineer who obtained his doctoral degree in the United States. An article in The New York Times pointed out that the FBI arrested Professor Chen in January 2021, accusing him of failing to disclose his connections to China in his research funding applications. However, MIT supported Professor Chen, and the FBI failed to find substantial evidence for prosecution, leading to the case being dropped by the Department of Justice. Nevertheless, the incident has caused damage to Professor Chen's reputation and career.
Apart from Professor Chen, many other Chinese scholars have lost their jobs and have even been included in the U.S. government's "no-fly list," preventing them from traveling to, transiting through, or leaving the United States by air, due to being investigated under the China Initiative.
Eventually, due to the lack of significant results, the U.S. Department of Justice announced the end of the China Initiative in February 2022, after several years of implementation.
In fact, if Chinese and American academic circles completely decouple, it would be detrimental to both sides, as they can complement each other in different technological fields. A research report published by the University of Arizona in 2020 showed that the number of scientific and engineering papers published by the United States experienced a slight decline between 2014 and 2018 because co-authored papers with Chinese scholars were not included in the calculations. It can be said that this approach has backfired. Therefore, I believe that China and the United States should adhere to the principles of equality and mutual benefit, set aside biases, and quickly restore academic exchanges and cooperation between the two sides.