行政長官李家超先生今天（19日）發布2022年施政報告，也是本屆政府任內首份施政報告，口號為「為市民謀幸福，為香港謀發展」，提出八個部分及近一百五十個分段，涉及經濟發展及民生措施。新民黨認為報告內容非常豐富全面及高質量，對此高度評價，也感謝行政長官採納本黨的多項建議。
施政報告內容豐富 全面 高質量
行政會議召集人、新民黨主席暨立法會議員葉劉淑儀女士表示：「今天很高興，新民黨見到行政長官發表了一份內容非常豐富、很全面，及高質量的施政報告。首先該報告回應了國家主席在七一發表重要講話時對香港的期望，四個必須與四個希望，強調香港會在一國兩制之下，繼續發揮優勢。」
回應社會訴求
「第二，行政長官也回應了社會上各方面的訴求，包括土地房屋、醫療、安老、青年發展與教育等等。」
措施具開創性
「第三，施政報告很多建議也是開創性的，特別是在開端部分提到的提高治理水平體系與完善『治理體系』，及強化管理功能，包括公務員的管理，都是很有前瞻性。」
「我們也很高興行政長官在北部大都會發展方面，接納我們很多的意見，包括未來會成立『香港投資管理有限公司』，是非常有開創性與突破性，有助政府將來為各項基建發展計劃進行融資。總的來說，我們對最新的施政報告表示高度評價。」
葉太也感謝行政長官採納新民黨的建議，包括北部大都會的發展，吸引優才或專才方面，讓合資格人士可獲寬免置業印花稅。離島訪問九個點，觀察後，大嶼山有很多發展空間，而在施政報告第92段提及，政府「正積極研究發展大嶼山南部約1,000公頃『綠化地帶』土地作生態旅遊或康樂用途」，我們對此表示歡迎。
主動招攬人才 推動經濟動力
新民黨常務副主席暨立法會議員黎棟國先生稱：「我們非常高興行政長官在這次施政報告之中，特別在招攬人才方面著墨很多，也回應了社會上相對主流的意見，去真正有效地『搶人才』。以往特首被動地制定政策，看到哪些行業老闆缺乏人才，才由政府制定相關政策去配合。本屆政府的態度已完全改變，除了有新的政策，而且更會成立『人才服務窗口』，及『引進重點企業辦公室』等，主動出擊招攬人才。」
黎棟國議員認為，香港正面對新的經濟轉型，需要有新的融資與人才。是次施政報告除了招募人才，也有留住人才的措施，他非常高興特首提出一站式服務，使到人才來到香港之後，可以穩定下來，在香港有所發展，以香港為家，最終成為香港永久性居民，對推動未來經濟新引擎非常重要。
推動基層醫療 方向正確
黎棟國議員稱醫療方面，施政報告有新猷，「行政長官提出改變現有重救治的方針，轉到基層醫療方面，照顧市民的長遠健康需要，這可以大大減低前線公立醫院與專科門診的輪候時間，整體而言可應對因人口老化而對醫療需求增加的壓力，走出正確的方向。」
融入國家發展大局
新民黨副主席暨立法會議員容海恩女士表示：「這次的施政報告有願景、有規劃，也有具體可行措施。以往的施政報告比較則重願景或方向性，這次更有具體執行措施，也有清晰的執行時間表，包括建屋期時間縮短，加快程序的百分比等，而每部分也有執行的時間表與路線圖，令市民有信心，也放心，了解可如何跟從施政報告去發展。」
「有關融入國家發展大局，施政報告也有大篇幅提及北部大都會及一國兩制的優勢，報告開端部分也有提及《憲法》對香港的重要性，未來政府會加強宣傳《憲法》，由政務司司長領導的『基本法推廣督導委員會』，將改名為『憲法和基本法推廣督導委員會』，顯示重視加強對『一國』的宣傳。希望藉施政報告可以突顯到一國兩制的優勢，讓香港做到聯通世界的獨特角色。」
「在大灣區建設方面，政府將成立『融入國家發展大局督導組』，由行政長官及三位司長分別擔任組長及副組長。我目前在立法會擔任『促進粵港澳大灣區發展事宜小組委員會』主席，見到大灣區發展是廣大的範疇，涉及文化、創科、安老與教育等多方面。因此看到施政報告提到香港背靠祖國，在大灣區發展的優勢，香港與內地配合，做好各項建設，尤其是北部大都會的發展，並與深圳各口岸連接，包括沙頭角或其他口岸，必須全面發展，發揮香港的優勢。」
「而在北部大都會，除了土地運用，也會設商業及悠閒區，也是過去新民黨一直也有倡議的完善規劃。粵港澳大灣區有國家戰略，在七一慶典，國家主席對香港的重要講話，提及青年的『四業』，令香港積極融入國家發展大局，讓香港鞏固八大中心的角色及國際地位，很高興見到特首在施政報告提及讓香港在大灣區發展給予法律上或其他措施的支援。希望未來除了專業人士或其他行業人士，也可加快實現及抓緊施政報告給予香港各界的機遇。」容海恩議員總結。
支持公務員改革
立法會議員李梓敬先生認為，是次施政報告非常實際有內涵。對於採納新民黨的建議，包括李議員在立法會提出改革公務員制度的動議並獲通過，回應他的建議，提出更新公務員守則、強化賞罰制度、加強培訓、優化動員機制，表示歡迎。李議員估計行政長官看到疫情「第五波」時，應對疫情期間公務員行動的不足，讓日後再次發生大規模疫情時，可加強動員公務員服務的機制。
在土地房屋方面，李議員認為早前國家領導人，包括國家主席習近平先生、夏寶龍主任或駱惠寧主任，對於解決香港房屋問題都有很大期望。他認為施政報告，在公屋輪候時間需要「封頂」，及公屋面積「封底」的措施，顯示特區政府對於解決香港的房屋問題非常有決心。具體措施是發展「簡約公屋」的概念，認為是突破性的思維，除了可幫助居住在「劏房」的市民早日「上樓」，也可保留傳統公屋市民輪候的機制。希望措施可讓眾多基層市民有理想居所。
就私人房屋方面，對於政府降低強拍門檻，他認為是突破性的措施，五十至七十年樓齡舊樓，強拍門檻降至百分之七十；七十年以上樓齡舊樓，門檻降至百分之六十，措施整體可加快土地供應，新民黨對措施表示支持。但李議員指出要留意是否會給予發展商太多權力，議價能力太強，是否影響業主的利益，政府要視乎措施可怎樣有效處理可能涉及的紛爭。
支持鐵路建設
交通方面，施政報告提出將推動多項大型基建，包括新民黨曾提出開通新南北幹道的「沙田繞道」，連接大埔及西九龍，為新界東居民提供更快捷途徑前往市區，並紓緩吐露港公路的交通壓力，未來新民黨會繼續推動各項基建及民生設施的落實。
全面關顧老中青 打造宜居城市
立法會議員陳家珮女士表示，這次施政報告做到習主席在二十大報告所講的「以人民為中心」。她認為最新施政報告非常創新及人性化，照顧社會的老、中、青人士。長者方面，有預防性的基層醫療；中醫藥發展，及加大醫療券的使用範圍，這些都是長者非常需要的服務。
施政報告也有非常大的篇幅，提到青年的發展機遇，包括工作及大灣區融合等。至於兒童或幼童，陳家珮議員關心香港的虐兒問題，因人手及專業化不足，在最新施政報告特首也有提出「保護兒童」的措施，加強巡查及舉報等，避免虐待事件再發生。至於未來香港將加強發展科技，政府將加強「STEAM教育」，在中小學大力推動，陳議員對此表示高興。
陳家珮議員對施政報告提出關注市民精神健康，增加社區支援，另外，「婦女事務委員會」年度撥款將由400萬元增加至1,000萬元，可望增加婦女勞動力。她也樂見施政報告積極發展香港為宜居城市，邁向碳中和，及政府吸納地區意見，發展港鐵南港島延線，及在南區設地區關愛隊試點，地區會努力配合政府各項措施。
New People’s Party’s Response to Policy Address 2022
Chief Executive Mr. John Lee Ka-chiu delivered his maiden Policy Address on October 19th. With the slogan “Charting a Brighter Tomorrow for Hong Kong”, the Policy Address contains eight sections and nearly 150 subsections discussing a range of topics concerning economic development and initiatives to improve livelihood. New People’s Party praises the Policy Address as comprehensive and of high quality, and expresses our thanks to the Chief Executive for adopting many of the Party’s recommendations.
Policy Address’ Comprehensiveness and High Quality
Convenor of the Non-Official Members of the Executive Council, New People’s Party Chair, and Legislative Councillor Hon. Mrs. Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee has made the following response:
“The New People’s Party is pleased to hear the Chief Executive’s comprehensive and high-quality Policy Address. Firstly, the address responded to President Xi Jinping’s address at the meeting celebrating the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to the Motherland, where he discussed the four ‘expectations’ and four ‘hopes’ for Hong Kong. Under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ principle, Hong Kong is able to fully display and utilise our unique advantages.”
Responding to Public Demands
“Secondly, the Chief Executive addressed various needs and demands expressed by our society, including land and housing, healthcare, elderly care, youth development, education, and more.”
Ground-breaking Policies
“Furthermore, many of the recommendations in the Policy Address are ground-breaking. In particular, the Policy Address mentions upfront an enhancement of governance and management, within the civil service. All of the suggested measures are visionary.”
“We are delighted that Mr. Lee adopted many of our recommendations regarding the development of the Northern Metropolis. The establishment of the Hong Kong Investment Corporation Limited is highly visionary and ground-breaking, which I believe can allow the government to finance a range of infrastructural developments in the future. To conclude, we highly commend this year’s Policy Address.”
Mrs. Ip is also appreciative of the Chief Executive’s decision to adopt various recommendations proposed by New People’s Party, including development of the Northern Metropolis, strategies to actively pursue and recruit talented individuals, and allowing eligible overseas and mainland talents to apply for a refund of the Buyer's Stamp Duty and the New Residential Stamp Duty paid for the first residential property purchased. After visiting nine different locations in the Islands District, Mrs. Ip is convinced that there is potential for development in Lantau Island. We welcome the proposal in subsection 92 of the Policy Address that the government is “actively studying the development of about 1,000 hectares of the ‘Green Belt’ sites in the southern part of Lantau for eco‑tourism or recreation uses”.
Proactively Trawling for Talent & Giving Impetus to the Economy
Executive Vice Chair, Legislative Councillor Hon. Mr. Lai Tung-kwok comments: “We are glad the Chief Executive made significant progress in the Policy Address in terms of devising measures to attract talents to Hong Kong, while simultaneously addressing some of the more mainstream opinions many Hong Kong citizens have regarding how this city can truly trawl for more talent. Former Chief Executives approach policy passively, only responding to the demand when there is acute shortage. Contrastingly, the current administration takes a distinctively different attitude. In addition to new policies, the establishment of the Talents Service Unit and the Office for Attracting Strategic Enterprises (OASES) is an active and assertive approach in recruiting global talent.”
Mr. Lai asserts that Hong Kong is in need of an economic transformation that requires new talent and investment. The Policy Address not only provides detail on how to trawl for talent, but just as importantly, on how to retain talent. He is glad the Chief Executive plans on establishing a one-stop unit, providing necessary support to talents. Providing incentives for talents to live and work in Hong Kong is crucial for Hong Kong’s economy.
Promoting Primary Healthcare
In regards to healthcare, Mr. Lai states: “We are delighted that Mr. Lee is prioritising primary healthcare to address the long-term medical needs of the Hong Kong population. This can significantly reduce the waiting time for public hospital and specialist medical services. This is certainly the right decision to make that can benefit an increasingly ageing population.”
Integration into National Development
Vice Chair, Legislative Councillor Hon. Ms. Eunice Yung Hoi-yan expresses the following: “This year’s Policy Address is not merely visionary and structured, it also differs from Policy Addresses of the past, as there is emphasis on pragmatism. We now have clear timetables for when each policy will be implemented, and I believe a clear roadmap can reassure the people of Hong Kong in terms of what lies ahead.”
“This Policy Address extensively discusses how Hong Kong can leverage the advantages of ‘One Country, Two Systems’. The Chief Executive stresses the importance of promoting the Constitution and the Basic Law. The renaming of the Basic Law Promotion Steering Committee to the Constitution and the Basic Law Promotion Steering Committee is indicative of the government’s effort to promote the concept of ‘One Country’. I hope that this Policy Address can exemplify the endless opportunities provided by ‘One Country, Two Systems’ and the unique advantages that Hong Kong possesses in connecting with the world.”
“Regarding the development of the Greater Bay Area (GBA), the government will establish a Steering Group on Integration into National Development that will be chaired by the Chief Executive, with three Secretaries of Departments as deputies. As the Chair of the Subcommittee on Promoting Development of the GBA, I notice that the development of the GBA involves a wide range of issues, including cultural, innovation and technology, elderly care, education and many more aspects. Hence, the development of GBA will require the strong support of the Motherland. Hong Kong must closely cooperate with the mainland in various construction projects, particularly in the development of the Northern Metropolis.”
Ms. Yung concludes by saying: “In respect of the Northern Metropolis, the inclusion of commercial and leisure areas is a recommendation made by New People’s Party in the past. President Xi mentioned his hope for Hong Kong to help young people overcome difficulties in education, employment, business start-up, and home purchase. Hong Kong can now more actively integrate into national development while solidifying our status as an international business hub. We are pleased to see Mr. Lee provide legal and other relevant support to the development of GBA, and we hope that a wider population can enjoy the privileges and opportunities presented in this Policy Address.”
Supporting Reforms for the Civil Service
Legislative Councillor Hon. Mr. Dominic Lee Tsz-king calls the Policy Address practical and insightful. He is delighted that the address accepted New People’s Party’s recommendations, including his motion on reforming the civil service system that was ultimately passed. In addition to that, the Address proposed an update to the Civil Service Code, strengthening of the reward and punishment system, enhancing of both civil servant training as well as the existing mobilisation protocol, all of which are positively received by our Party. He believes reformation of the civil service system can allow the government to promptly and effectively manage future epidemics or pandemics.
In regard to land and housing, he states that state leaders, namely President Xi Jinping, Director of the State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office Xia Baolong, and Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Luo Huining, all had high expectations for Hong Kong to resolve its housing issues. He thinks the Policy Address’ targets of capping the waiting time for public rental housing (PRH) as well as setting a minimum size for newly-built flats are a testament to the government’s determination in fixing Hong Kong’s housing problems. The introduction of Light Public Housing is a ground-breaking concept, targeted at expediting the move into public housing for families living in subdivided units while maintaining the traditional PRH waiting system. He sincerely hopes that such policies can provide grassroots with an improved living condition.
Another creative policy, according to Hon. Mr. Dominic Lee, is the lowering of the compulsory sale application threshold for private buildings - the threshold for buildings aged 50 to 70 lowered to 70%, whereas threshold will be set at 60% for buildings older than 70 years. While New People’s Party supports this policy as it should effectively compress the time required for land production, he expressed concerns over whether developers will be given excessive bargaining power, which could undermine the interests of flat owners. The government should review how such possible disputes can be effectively managed.
Supporting Railway Projects
The Policy Address announces a number of transport infrastructure projects, including the Shatin bypass that connects Tai Po and Kowloon West - a recommendation made by New People’s Party. This will provide an alternative route connecting New Territories East to the urban areas, while simultaneously alleviating traffic pressure on Tolo Highway. New People’s Party will continue to push for more infrastructure projects that can benefit grassroots and improve livelihoods.
Comprehensive Care for People of All Ages, Building A Liveable City
Legislative Councillor Hon. Ms. Judy Chan Kapui commented that this year’s Policy Address fulfilled President Xi’s “people-centred” philosophy that he spoke of during his 20th National Congress address. Ms. Chan finds the Policy Address both innovative and effective in caring for people of all ages. The proposed prevention-focused primary healthcare system for an ageing population, enhancement in the role of Chinese medicine, and the expansion of medical voucher coverage are all policies that can tremendously benefit the elderly.
The Address also extensively discusses youth development, specifically working opportunities and entrepreneurial support for the youth in GBA. Furthermore, Ms. Chan is particularly concerned about child abuse cases in Hong Kong. To address shortfalls in manpower shortage and lack of professional accreditation, the Address proposes policies for child protection, especially strengthening of law-enforcing inspections in a view to preventing similar events from recurring. Ms. Chan is pleased to see increased efforts to promote STEAM education at primary and secondary school levels.
In addition, Ms. Chan is glad the Policy Address is ramping up efforts to promote mental health awareness, as well as increasing funding for the Women’s Commission from $4 million to $10 million per annum. The government’s further efforts in developing Hong Kong into a liveable city, moving towards carbon neutrality, and setting up Care Teams in the Southern District should be met with close coordination with local districts to ensure seamless and effective deliverance.
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近年，美國的非法移民問題愈發嚴重，當中又以美墨邊境問題最為棘手。根據美國海關及邊境保衛局（U.S. Customs and Border Protection）的統計，自2021年以來，當局在美墨邊境共截獲超過750萬宗偷渡個案。
大量非法入境者湧入，但美國當局未有制訂相應措施，使得事件醞釀成人道危機。恰逢美國11月舉行大選，移民問題再次成為熱門的選舉議題。諮詢公司蓋洛普（Gallup）於2月所做的一項民意調查顯示，約28%美國民眾認為邊境及移民問題是當前最重要的社會問題。
早前，特朗普及拜登不約而同地前往邊境城市視察訪問，並就移民問題隔空駁火。特朗普一如既往地強調這些外來者是罪犯及恐怖分子，不應被允許進入美國。拜登則指摘由共和黨控制的眾議院未能通過邊境城市所尋求的資金和邊境政策改革，導致邊境城市未能擴大拘留設施，並提供更多資金來僱用更多邊防人員。
雖然雙方都企圖透過解決美墨邊境的難民危機來展示自己的政治手腕，吸引選民支持，但我認為，美國非法移民問題的複雜程度，非兩人的能力可以解決。
不少美國學者都認為，1965年通過的《移民和國籍法案》（Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965）是造成美墨邊境問題的其中一個原因。此前，美國一直採用「國家起源配額公式」（National Origins Formula）為每個國家分配特定數量的移民配額，以控制國內人口的構成。但《法案》摒棄了有關做法，給予非西歐國家更多移民配額，讓美國公民家庭團聚並吸引各行業的專業人才到美國生活，卻為日後美國移民問題埋下禍根。
下期將展開詳述。
In recent years, illegal immigration issues in the US have become increasingly severe, especially concerning the US-Mexico border. According to statistics from US Customs and Border Protection, since 2021, authorities at the US-Mexico border have intercepted over 7.5 million smuggling cases.
With large numbers of undocumented migrants flooding in, but inadequate measures from US authorities, the situation has escalated into a humanitarian crisis. Coinciding with the US midterm elections in November, immigration issues again became a hot election topic. A February public opinion poll by Gallup found about 28% of Americans view border and immigration issues as the most important social problem currently.
Recently, both Trump and Biden independently visited border towns for inspections, sparring remotely over immigration issues. Trump reiterated as always that these outsiders are criminals and terrorists who should not be allowed into the US. Biden accused the Republican-controlled House of Representatives for failing to pass funding and border policy reforms sought by border towns, preventing expansion of detention facilities and provision of more funds to hire more border protection personnel.
While both sides aim to demonstrate their political acumen and attract voter support by addressing the refugee crisis at the US-Mexico border, I believe the complexity of illegal immigration issues in the US is beyond the ability of the two to solve.
Many US scholars believe the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act was one of the causes of issues at the US-Mexico border. Previously, the US had adopted the "National Origins Formula" to allocate a specific number of immigrant quotas to each country in order to control the composition of the domestic population. But the Act abandoned this practice and granted more immigrant quotas to non-Western countries, allowing family reunification for US citizens and attracting professionals from various industries to live in the US, but also sowing the seeds of future US immigration problems.
Details will follow in the next issue.
隨著《維護國家安全條例》在上周二（3月19日）獲全票三讀通過，繼而在上周六（3月23日）「吉日」刊憲，香港特別行政區終於成功履行其憲制責任。中央港澳工作辦公室主任、國務院港澳事務辦公室主任夏寶龍在深圳會見行政長官李家超、律政司司長林定國、保安局局長鄧炳強、立法會主席梁君彥等一行人，聽取工作匯報，我作為行政會議召集人及立法會議員也在席，與有榮焉。
這次並非夏主任首度表達對香港事務的關注，例如2月全國兩會召開前，夏主任便親自來港，考察調研了7天（2月22日至28日），深入接觸社會各界，分別與特區政府高層官員、行政會議成員、立法會議員、區議員、法律界、金融界、商界、愛國愛港組織等會面，又深入社區，飲茶、視察「社區客廳」等等，做到察民情、聽民意。
行程當中最令我有深刻感受的，是夏主任親自走訪九龍獅子山郊野公園，近觀獅子山（2月24日），以及與40位香港青年人會面交流，還高唱《獅子山下》（2月27日），勉勵青年人要「抓緊不同機遇」。夏主任這舉措讓我十分感動，也讓我回想起歷代中央領導人訪港的畫面，不論此時彼刻，中央政府對香港的關愛始終如一。
除了夏寶龍和朱鎔基，中央領導人曾多次來港。例如2007年，時任國家主席胡錦濤便親自來港出席香港回歸祖國10周年大會，當年中央政府的新聞稿以「回歸十年中央領導關心香港，時刻把香港放在心上」為題。新聞稿提到「『挺』這個字在香港有『支持』的意思」，強調中央政府「一次次地公開挺港、挺特區政府，一次次及時伸出援手，使得香港踏平崎嶇」。例如1998年亞洲金融風暴，國際金融大鱷狙擊港元，時任國家主席江澤民宣布人民幣不貶值，堅定維護香港聯繫匯率制度；2003年「沙士」，時任國家主席胡錦濤和時任總理溫家寶迅速批示，要求在一周內向香港無償提供各類抗疫物資；同年與香港簽訂《內地與香港關於建立更緊密經貿關係的安排》(CEPA)，溫家寶親自來港探望淘大花園住戶，最後更推出「自由行」，以內地遊客來港消費振興香港經濟。
後來2008年金融海嘯，數到2019年黑暴後中央政府訂立《香港國安法》，新冠疫情期間派專家派醫護來港，還有數不清的援港抗疫物資；再到剛剛宣布擴大「自由行」城市包括青島和西安等等，中央政府做到了「挺」港和「時刻把香港放在心上」。
香港經濟的整體格局多年未變，主要仍是依賴金融、旅遊和地產；「沙士」時靠「自由行」，今日也是靠「自由行」；靠賣地增加庫房收入，樓市低迷便「撤辣」；反映香港經濟轉型進展緩慢。
經濟轉型的目標，我認為就是要達致國家主席習近平經常強調的「高質量發展」，即是除了國際金融、貿易、航運三大中心外，香港要加快成為國際創新科技中心，建設以科技為本的科創經濟。環顧世界，邊際利潤最高、最能帶動經濟增長、讓人民有較高收入的，都是科創企業。例如美籍華人黃仁勳(Jensen Huang)於1993年創辦的圖形芯片(GPU)企業英偉達(NVIDIA)，最近便超越了沙特阿拉伯國家石油公司，成為僅次於微軟和蘋果的全球第三大市值上市公司。因此，香港以「高質量發展」為目標是正確的。
此外，我認為中央領導人一再親自勉勵港人的背後，是反映他們擔心港人對自己、對香港信心不足。
舉例說，樂壇天后Taylor Swift在新加坡辦演唱會，便有很多分析解讀Taylor Swift為何「捨港取星」，彷彿香港是輸了給新加坡，殊不知「捨港取星」是偽命題，因為香港根本沒有加入競爭。
我認為香港不用妄自菲薄，更不用處處和新加坡或其他鄰近城市比較，反而要把握其獨特優勢，例如香港是個包融性強的多元化大都會，去年成功主辦亞洲區首次「同樂運動會」可見一斑。香港法庭竭力保障平等機會，包括性小眾人士(LGBT)權益、酷刑聲請者在香港會獲得人道對待等等。
香港有能力舉辦各類型盛事，帶動經濟收益，例如一連三天在粉嶺高球場舉辦的「LIV高爾夫職業巡迴賽香港站」，單是2億獎金便為特區政府帶來3000萬稅收，賽事吸引了來自30個國家地區的觀眾來港觀賽，帶旺酒店業、旅遊業，經濟效益相當大。此外，全球有逾110個國家地區轉播賽事，對宣傳香港的國際形象非常有利，這類國際盛事必須多搞多做。
法治是香港的基石，香港實行普通法制度，司法獨立，有九位德高望重的海外非常任法官；法官根據法例和證據作出裁決，控辯雙方若不服裁決可提上訴；最近法庭更推出網上直播，充分體現獨立性和透明度。
我希望港人明白，香港是從甚麼也不是的小漁村、英國人口中的 barren rock（不毛之地），經歷萬千風雨而走到今天，是國際金融中心、國際大都市，我們面對逆境堅毅不屈，就是獅子山精神。
夏主任在兩會召開前與港區人大政協會面，提出「零起點」思維，指香港要重新面對複雜形勢，重新出發。我認為是指在「一國兩制」下，中央政府實施全面管治權，香港則要有高度的主動性，主動思考自身核心優勢，思考如何強化優勢，如何和其他大灣區城市配合以達共贏。如今《維護國家安全條例草案》已刊憲，一切塵埃落定，香港重新立於「零起點」，今後必須卯足勁，拼經濟，繼續發光發熱。
Article 23 of the Basic Law, a law made by China’s National People’s Congress which sets out the constitutional arrangements for Hong Kong, requires the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to enact laws on its own to prohibit seven offences which threaten national security.
Despite the best intentions of the officials in charge, the first campaign to implement Article 23 ended in mass protests in mid-2003, and the national security bill was aborted after the Liberal Party, which held eight votes in the Legislative Council then, withdrew its support. The bill lapsed at the end of the first term of Tung Chee-hwa’s administration.
National security legislation became a political taboo that successive chief executives were reluctant to touch.
To avoid controversy and get on the right side of the then powerful “pro-democracy” bloc in Legco, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, who succeeded Tung in 2005, prioritised democratic reform instead of national security.
He succeeded in securing legislative approval for a constitutional reform package in 2010. The reform created five “super seats” in the legislature, in effect five at-large constituencies spanning the city.
Tsang was replaced by Leung Chun-ying, an avowed patriot, in 2012. Shortly after Leung took over, his agenda was thrown off course by popular protests against the government’s plan to implement national education in schools.
The new subject and the funding for its implementation had been approved by Legco, but with Legco elections coming up that September, the pro-democracy camp smeared national education as “brainwashing” to appeal to voters. After thousands of protesters laid siege to the government headquarters for 10 days, Leung withdrew the subject.
The pushback against national education alarmed Beijing. A greater shock to the system came in the autumn of 2014, when protesters laid siege to Central, Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok to put pressure on Beijing to relax the criteria for selecting the chief executive by universal suffrage. After 79 days of illegal occupation which paralysed large swathes of Hong Kong, the demonstrators ran out of public support and were peacefully dispersed.
But by 2015, to Beijing’s even greater alarm, a Hong Kong independence movement appeared to be sprouting. In his policy address on January 14, 2015, Leung chided Undergrad, a time-honoured publication of the students of the University of Hong Kong, for spreading the idea of self-determination in a book titled Hong Kong Nationalism.
A group of students who took part in the 2014 Occupy protests set up a Hong Kong National Party in 2016. It was eventually prohibited by the secretary for security on national security grounds under the Societies Ordinance in September 2018.
Challenges to Beijing’s authority continued in 2016, when a group of newly elected legislators deliberately defied Beijing by taking their oath of allegiance in an insulting way. Thereafter, following the National People’s Congress Standing Committee’s interpretation of Article 104 of the Basic Law governing the oath-taking requirement, those six legislators were disqualified.
In 2017, Leung was replaced by Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, a career civil servant, who appeared to have more popular support and was on better terms with the pro-democracy bloc in the legislature, which had solidified into a highly potent opposition for filibustering and blocking the government’s agenda.
Lam assumed office in mid-2017 without putting forward any timetable for implementing Article 23 legislation. By the end of 2018, voices from Beijing urging Hong Kong to fulfil its constitutional duty – such as former senior officials in charge of Hong Kong and Macau affairs Chen Zuo’er and Wang Guangya and then director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office Zhang Xiaoming – were getting louder and louder.
Yet Lam chose instead to prioritise legislation on fugitive offenders, to enable Hong Kong to send fugitives hiding in the city to mainland China, Taiwan and Macau.
This piece of legislation proved even more controversial than the national security bill of 2003. It triggered mass protests, which became more violent over months, with stronger anti-China overtones and whiffs of Hong Kong independence.
The riots stopped after Beijing enacted a law to safeguard national security in Hong Kong.
Although China’s national security legislation achieved immediate success in quelling the rebellion, Hong Kong had yet to fulfil its constitutional, legal and moral duty to safeguard national security, an obligation which had been outstanding for almost 27 years.
Offences like treason, sedition, espionage and theft of state secrets have been on our statute books for decades. But many provisions are ineffective and outdated.
For both constitutional and practical reasons, Hong Kong needs to update existing laws, and introduce new offences in accordance with the holistic view of national security introduced by President Xi Jinping on April 15, 2014 and international trends.
The current international trend is to guard against external interference which does not necessarily adopt forceful means, but can include political infiltration, electoral interference, open lobbying or other more subtle means. Australia, Singapore and the United Kingdom have all enacted new laws to pre-empt improper external interference.
Hong Kong has now introduced a similar offence of external interference endangering national security. Given that it is a new offence, concerns have understandably been raised by academia, professional bodies, business chambers and think tanks which thrive on external liaison.
In passing the national security bill, Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu and his administration have pulled off a historic feat which none of their predecessors could; 6.53pm on March 19 will go down in Hong Kong’s history as a milestone. But, after the victory lap, much explanation and clarification are needed to assuage concerns. Let the campaign to tell the real story about Hong Kong’s national security law begin.
中譯本 ：《基本法》第二十三條：成功立法之後，香港將何去何從？
《基本法》二十三條是中國全國人民代表大會通過的一條法例，決定香港的憲制安排。《基本法》二十三條要求香港特別行政區自行立法，禁止七項危害國家安全的罪行。盡管主管官員有良好意願，但2003年中實施第一輪第二十三條立法的過程，最終還是引發了大規模抗議活動，《維護國家安全條例草案》在當時擁有立法會八個席位的自由黨撤回支持後被逼中止，該法案在董建華政府第一屆任期結束時失效。
國家安全立法從此成為各任特首經常觸碰的政治禁區，幾任特首都不願再提起這個敏感議題。
2005年繼任的曾蔭權選擇有異於董建華的做法，為避免爭議並得到當時立法會泛民勢力的支持，他選擇優先推動民主制度改革，而非國家安全立法。他成功在2010年使立法會通過一個憲制改革方案，該改革在立法會設立五個“超級選區”，實質上為全香港範圍的五個選區。
2012年，曾蔭權被旗幟鮮明的愛國者梁振英接替。不過，梁剛繼承特首職務，其改革議程就被學生對政府推行國民教育計劃的大規模抗議帶離正軌。盡管立法會已通過了國民教育課程和撥款，但隨著9月將到來的立法會選舉，泛民陣營宣傳國民教育是「洗腦」以爭取選民支持。數千名抗議者連續包圍政府總部長達10天後，梁振英終撤回該課程。對國民教育的反對震驚了北京。2014年秋天，抗議者包圍中環、金鐘、銅鑼灣和旺角，向北京施加壓力要求推動普選，改變行政長官選舉辦法，這一次衝擊更大。79天非法占領及堵路香港大片地區，但抗議活動最後因失去公眾支持得以和平結束。
到了2015年，北京的憂慮更甚，香港獨立運動顯然開始萌芽。同年1月14日的施政報告中，梁振英批評香港大學學生報《學苑》通過一本名為《香港民族論》的書本傳播自決想法。參與2014年占領運動的學生於2016年成立了香港民族黨。2018年9月，這組織最終因「危害國家安全」被保安局局長根據社團條例取締。2016年，一些新當選的立法會議員故意以冒犯性方式宣誓，繼續挑戰北京權威。此後，根據全國人大常委會對《基本法》第104條有關宣誓規定的解釋，這六名議員被取消資格。2017年，梁振英被公務員林鄭月娥取代。林鄭似乎獲得更多民意支持，與立法會泛民勢力也處於較和睦狀態。此時立法會反對派已經壯大為阻撓政府施政的龐大力量。林鄭於2017年中任職而未提出實施《基本法》二十三條的時間表。2018年底，來自北京的聲音不斷擴大，包括曾負責港澳事務的陳佐洱和王光亞，以及國務院港澳事務辦公室主任張曉明都在督促香港履行憲制責任。
然而，林鄭選擇優先推動通過移交逃犯條例，以便香港能將藏匿的逃犯送往內地、台灣和澳門。
這次立法引發比2003年《維護國家安全條例草案》更大爭議。它觸發了持續近半年的大規模抗議活動，部分活動帶有更強烈的反中色彩和推動港獨味道，暴力事件在《香港國安法》出台後才停止。盡管北京立《國安法》成功遏制動亂，但香港在憲制和道義責任上，尤其是確保國家安全這一即將滿27年仍未履行的義務方面，仍需努力。香港法律包括叛國罪、煽顛罪、間諜罪和竊取國家秘密罪等法律條款已經存在多年，但其實不少條文經已過時及實效不足。
無論從憲法原則還是實際操作，香港都需要更新現有法律，並根據國家主席習近平2014年4月15日提出的總體國家安全觀和國際趨勢，引入新的罪行條款。當前國際趨勢下，要防範不必然采取武力但可能包括政治滲透、選舉干預、公開游說或其他更隱蔽方式的外部干預。澳州、新加坡和英國都制定了新的立法以預防外部干預。
因此香港需要引入新的國家安全罪行。例如有組織引導他人從事危害國家安全活動、在外國機構控制或指揮下從事危害國家安全活動等。這將有利於香港彌補長期以來在國家安全立法方面的不足，切實履行基本法賦予的責任。香港現時引入了類似的「外部干預危害國家安全罪」。由於這是新設立的罪行，學術界、專業團體、商會以及依賴外部聯絡的智庫都理所當然地提出了一些擔憂。
通過《維護國家安全條例草案》，時任行政長官李家超和政府實現了前任無法完成的歷史使命。2019年3月19日下午6點53分將載入香港史冊。但成功立法後，還需要更多解釋和澄清以釋除外界疑慮，向公眾解釋《香港國安法》真正意義的工作，現在才正式開始。