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Can Beijing and Big Business Trump-proof Hong Kong / 北京和大型企業可保護香港免受特朗普影響嗎？
文章
2024 年 11 月 22 日
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US president-elect Donald Trump’s decisive victory over Vice-President Kamala Harris, the Republican Party’s control of Congress and strong backing from his appointees on the US Supreme Court will make him the most powerful US president in recent history.
He is coming into office with the unreserved support of the world’s richest man, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index – tech mogul Elon Musk – who has just been named to lead a new department of efficiency. The massive power Trump now wields has sent shock waves across the US and around the world.
Although Beijing took care not to drop any hint of its preference, a triumphant Trump return and all that it means for the future of Sino-US relations appeared to have been within China’s calculations.
On November 8, Xia Baolong, the director of the Hong and Macau Affairs Office, convened a meeting with 29 Hong Kong business and industrial leaders, in addition to Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu and other senior officials, in Shenzhen, Guangdong province. The timing seems to have been carefully chosen to take stock of the US election results.
Trump unleashed more tremors by announcing the appointment of a motley crew of hardliners and acolytes to important cabinet and ambassadorial positions. When news broke that Trump was mulling the appointment of prominent China hawks, Senator Marco Rubio and Representative Michael Waltz, to the positions of secretary of state and national security adviser respectively, the Hang Seng Index plunged 580 points.
Rubio sponsored the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019. This landmark statute requires US government departments to assess Hong Kong’s political developments as a precondition for continuing the city’s unique status under US law. The act laid the groundwork for stripping Hong Kong of special treatment in the US and imposing sanctions on the city.
After Beijing enacted a law to safeguard national security in Hong Kong in June 2020, then-president Trump swiftly signed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act into law in July 2020 and slapped sanctions on Hong Kong almost a month afterwards. Trump’s skewed vision of Hong Kong posing a national security threat, shared by many in Congress, including Rubio, can only fill Hong Kong with grim forebodings.
At the meeting in Shenzhen on November 8, Xia said that Hong Kong is undergoing a profound change, both internally and externally. His remarks were a clear signal of Beijing’s deep concerns about the impact of the Trump administration on China, not least Hong Kong, a small but highly externally oriented economy which depends heavily on trade and the free flow of capital, information and people.
Xia sent pointed messages to both government officials and business representatives at the meeting. He warned government officials that “Hong Kong cannot rely solely on its traditional advantages by relying on just one trick”.
He urged Hong Kong to enhance its tourism appeal by taking advantage of its beautiful coastline, enchanting islands and cultural assets. Xia also encouraged government officials to invest more in science and technology.
Xia reportedly urged business leaders not to be “bystanders”, but active participants in the government’s programmes to bolster Hong Kong’s development as a premier aviation hub, seaport and trading port.
Beijing has come to Hong Kong’s rescue many times, sending tourists, capital and good-quality companies for listing in Hong Kong’s stock market. China has helped Hong Kong weather many storms.
Despite the importance President Xi Jinping has attached to Hong Kong’s success under “one country, two systems”, can a reinforced partnership between the central government, Hong Kong and big business adequately keep the city Trump-proof?
Even patriotic businessmen must do tough number-crunching before they deploy their capital to support government projects and quite rightly so. If they end up depleting their capital as the result of investing recklessly in financially non-viable projects, they would not be doing the nation, including Hong Kong, any good.
Luckily, after years of work on the Shenzhen-Hong Kong Innovation and Technology Cooperation Zone, the end of the tunnel is finally in sight. The first batch of development at the jointly run technology park at the Lok Ma Chau Loop is expected to be completed in phases starting later this year.
The park will enable Hong Kong to build centres of excellence in research and development (R&D), combining the abundant technological resources of Shenzhen with Hong Kong’s global financial and business expertise.
Another bright spot is the progress made in leapfrogging biomedical research. The government has launched a new scheme for local registration of drugs and medical devices. The Health Bureau is working with Shenzhen to set up a Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area clinical trial collaboration platform to expedite clinical trials and expand R&D networks. Hong Kong companies will be able to access bio-samples from other places that are part of the Greater Bay Area development zone.
The infrastructure to jump-start technological development is finally taking shape. Despite growing more sluggish than before, Hong Kong does not lack capital, talent or global connectivity.
The only trouble with the new Trump administration is that there are too many unknowns. How will Elon Musk function in the Trump administration? Will he be a full-time efficiency tsar or continue to wear many hats? Who would have the most influence on Trump – anti-China, anti-free trade hardliners or pragmatic entrepreneurs?
As the line-up of key officials in Trump’s administration takes shape, only time will tell what his real agenda is. In the meantime, like other parts of the world, Hong Kong must Trump-proof itself by staying calm and strong.
中譯本 : 北京和大型企業可保護香港免受特朗普影響嗎？
美國當選總統唐納德.特朗普（Donald Trump）決定性地擊敗副總統哈里斯.賀錦麗（Kamala Harris），共和黨控制了國會，並得到美國最高法院大法官的強力支持，使他成為近代最有權力的美國總統。
據彭博億萬富翁指數顯示，他將在上任時獲得世界上最富有的人——科技大亨伊隆·馬斯克（Elon Musk）的全力支持，馬斯克剛被任命負責領導一個新的效率部門。特朗普現在所擁有的巨大權力在美國乃至全球引起了震撼。
雖然北京小心翼翼地沒有透露其偏好，但一個凱旋而歸的特朗普以及這一切對中美關係未來意味著的影響似乎已經在中國的考量之中。
11月8日，國務院港澳事務辦公室主任夏寶龍在廣東省深圳市召集了29名香港商界和工業界領袖、行政長官李家超和其他高級官員舉行了一次會議。這次會議的時間看來是精心選擇，總結美國選舉結果。
特朗普宣布任命一批強硬派和信徒擔任重要的內閣和大使職位，進一步震憾外界。有消息傳出特朗普正在考慮任命著名的中國鷹派參議員馬可·魯比奧和眾議員邁克爾·瓦爾茲分別擔任國務卿和國家安全顧問時，恆生指數下跌了580點。
魯比奧推動了2019年的《香港人權與民主法案》。這部具有里程碑意義的法律要求美國政府部門在繼續根據美國法律賦予該城市獨特地位的前提下，評估香港的政治發展。這部法案為剝奪香港在美國的特殊待遇以及對該市實施制裁奠定了基礎。
在北京於2020年6月實施了維護香港國家安全的法律後，當時的總統特朗普於2020年7月迅速簽署了《香港自治法案》，並在將近一個月後對香港實施了制裁。特朗普對香港構成國家安全威脅的扭曲看法得到了眾議院眾多人士的共鳴，包括魯比奧，這將不免使香港充滿陰霾。
在11月8日深圳的會議上，夏寶龍表示，香港正在經歷內外的深刻變化。他的言論清楚地表明了北京對特朗普政府對中國，尤其是對高度依賴貿易、資金、信息和人員自由流動的香港這樣一個小而高度外向型經濟體所帶來影響的深切擔憂。
夏在會議上向政府官員和商界代表發出了明確的訊息。他警告政府官員說，“香港不能僅僅依靠傳統優勢，僅僅依賴一招”。
他提及香港可通過利用其美麗的海岸線、迷人島嶼和文化資產來增強其旅遊吸引力。夏還鼓勵政府官員在科學技術方面進行更多投資。
據報導，夏敦促商界領袖不要成為“旁觀者”，而應成為政府計劃中支持香港發展成為一流航空樞紐、海港和貿易港口的積極參與者。
北京曾多次援助香港，派遣遊客、資本和優質企業在香港股市上市。中國幫助香港度過了許多風雨。
儘管習近平主席對“一國兩制”下香港成功的重要性給予了高度重視，但中央政府、香港和大型企業之間加強合作是否足以使這座城市免受特朗普的影響呢？
即使是愛國商人在支持政府項目之前也必須進行艱巨的經濟數據分析，這是非常正確的。假如他們因為在財政上不可行的項目上投資而最終耗盡了他們的資本，那對國家，包括香港，都不會有好處。
幸運的是，在長年致力於深港創新科技合作區之後，隧道的盡頭終於看到了曙光。預計將從今年底開始分階段完成在落馬洲環繞區共同運營的科技園區的首批開發工作。
這個園區將使香港能夠建立研發（研發）卓越中心，將深圳豐富的技術資源與香港的全球金融和商業專業知識相結合。
另一個亮點是在跨越生物醫學研究方面取得的進展。政府已推出了一項新計劃，用於本地藥物和醫療器械的註冊。醫務衞生局正與深圳合作建立廣東-香港-澳門大灣區臨床試驗合作平台，以加快臨床試驗進程並擴大研發網絡。香港企業將能夠獲得來自大灣區發展區域其他地方的生物樣本。
推動科技發展的基礎設施終於初具雛形。儘管增長速度比以往緩慢，但香港並不缺乏資本、人才或全球聯繫。
新的特朗普政府唯一的問題是有太多未知數。埃隆·馬斯克將如何在特朗普政府中發揮作用？他會成為全職效率專家，還是繼續身兼多職？誰將對特朗普產生最大影響 - 反華、反自由貿易的強硬派，還是務實的企業家？
隨著特朗普政府主要官員陣容的確定，只有時間才能揭示他真正的議程。與此同時，就像世界其他地區一樣，香港必須通過保持冷靜和堅強，來使自己免受特朗普的影響。
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對於國務院在今早（5日）公布，根據香港特別行政區行政長官李家超的提名和建議，決定任命陳美寶為運輸及物流局局長、羅淑佩為文化體育及旅遊局局長，並免去林世雄的運輸及物流局局長、楊潤雄的文化體育及旅遊局局長職務；新民黨表示歡迎。
新民黨主席葉劉淑儀表示：「我們對於羅淑佩女士及陳美寶女士的任命，表示歡迎。一直以來，兩位女士的表現均十分出色，對所屬政策範疇非常熟悉，而且工作積極主動，具有擔當。我們認為由她倆擔任新的職位是好消息。」
「現在本屆政府已經運作了兩年半，即是仍有兩年半的任期，需要完成的工作有很多。例如文體旅局要籌辦全國運動會、要確保啟德體育園順利開幕。此外，特區政府推出了《文藝創意產業發展藍圖》，旅遊業的重要性不言而喻。羅淑佩女士過去擔任運輸署署長、房屋局常任秘書長兼房屋署署長期間，表現主動積極，具備創新思維，尤其在打擊富戶方面成效顯著，我們認為她相當適合擔任文體旅局局長。陳美寶女士曾擔任運輸署長，並在物流局擔任常秘，處理過很多鐵路工程，現在運輸及物流局面臨許多挑戰，香港需要成立航運港口發展局、擴大航空網絡等等。兩位年輕有幹勁的官員的任命是非常合適的。作為女性，我本人非常高興看到她們的成就。」葉太續道。
「同時，我們感謝兩位卸任局長楊潤雄和林世雄。在過去兩年半裡，他倆做了大量辛勤的工作，我們感謝他們的貢獻。」葉太總結。
特朗普當選不久便遇到第一個挫折，他提名的司法部長人選蓋茨因未能獲得共和黨國會參議員的支持而主動撤回候選人提名。表面上看這是美國制度對特朗普一次成功制衡；可是那邊廂，美國最高法院似乎對特朗普妥協了。自2023年被刑事起訴以來，圍繞着特朗普的一系列法律糾紛在美國憲政史上創造了一連串的「歷史首次」。例如2024 年7 月1 日，美國最高法院公布了一項有關「總統刑事豁免權」的歷史性判決，裁定總統在執行憲法職權時有「絕對」刑事免罪權，任期內不能追究。由此可見，特朗普成功掌握了參眾兩院和保守派主導的美國最高法院。
特朗普還有世界首富馬斯克的支持，此外亦有報道指一些歐洲國家元首不得不向特朗普俯首稱臣，反映特朗普將掌握極大的權勢和影響力。
根據美國憲法，總統只能擔任兩屆。為了延續自身的政治影響力，特朗普於是次回朝後便開始着手委任一些較年輕的「特朗普主義」追隨者擔任重要的政府職位。比方說，共和黨全國委員會共同主席賴拉和候任副總統萬斯。兩位被看好在特朗普2.0 政府中有更上一層樓的發展，甚至可能在2028 年接棒問鼎大位，繼承特朗普的政治遺產。由此可見，特朗普在商場或政壇都有親信密切合作。
這些現象讓人擔心美國是否會走向強人政治，類似於羅馬帝國的歷史。眾所周知，美國在立國之初是一個共和國，但若特朗普能延續強人政治，美國可能會走向歷史轉折點，類似羅馬帝國由民主共和國轉變為獨裁專制政權。有羅馬帝國奠基者之稱的凱撒大帝憑藉赫赫戰功於公元前49 年實行獨裁統治。雖然其後被元老院成員暗殺，但其強人政治傳承至他的甥孫屋大維，將羅馬從共和國轉變為帝國。
如今，美國出現了特朗普這樣的強人，如果他完成第二任期並讓接班人繼承他的政策，那美國會否沿着羅馬的軌迹，由共和國變成獨裁政體？
Will the United States Become an Autocracy? (Part 2)
Shortly after Trump's election, he encountered his first setback. His nominee for Attorney General, Gates, voluntarily withdrew his candidacy due to a lack of support from Republican members of Congress. On the surface, this may seem like a successful check on Trump by the American system; however, on the other hand, the U.S. Supreme Court seems to have compromised with Trump. Since being criminally indicted in 2023, a series of legal disputes surrounding Trump has created a series of "historical firsts" in American constitutional history. For example, on July 1, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court announced a historic ruling on "presidential criminal immunity," stating that the president has an "absolute" criminal immunity while performing constitutional duties and cannot be prosecuted during their term. This indicates that Trump has successfully gained control over both houses of Congress and the conservative-dominated U.S. Supreme Court.
Trump also has the support of the world's richest person, Musk, and there are reports that some European heads of state have had to bow to Trump, reflecting Trump's immense power and influence.
According to the U.S. Constitution, a president can only serve two terms. In order to continue his political influence, Trump has started appointing younger "Trumpist" followers to key government positions after his second term. For example, the co-chair of the Republican National Committee, Laila, and the vice president-elect, Vance. Both are seen as having a promising future in the Trump 2.0 government, and they may even vie for the presidency in 2028, inheriting Trump's political legacy. This shows that Trump has close collaborators in both the business world and the political arena.
These phenomena raise concerns about whether the United States is heading towards authoritarianism, similar to the history of the Roman Empire. It is well known that the United States was founded as a republic, but if Trump can continue authoritarian rule, the U.S. may reach a historical turning point, similar to the Roman Empire's transition from a democratic republic to a dictatorial regime. Julius Caesar, known as one of the founders of the Roman Empire, established dictatorial rule in 49 BC based on his great military achievements. Although he was later assassinated by members of the Senate, his authoritarian rule was passed on to his grandnephew, Augustus, transforming Rome from a republic to an empire.
Today, the United States has a strongman like Trump. If he completes a second term and passes on his policies to his successor, will the U.S. follow the path of Rome, transitioning from a republic to an autocracy?
美國共和黨在大選成功取得參眾兩院控制權，加上美國最高法院目前由保守派大法官控制，使得美國「三權分立」的制度受到嚴重衝擊。以特朗普涉嫌偽造商業紀錄向成人片女星支付「掩口費」的案件為例，紐約州法官不久前宣布案件無限期押後判刑，並且允許特朗普的律師提出駁回此案的動議，引起外界一片譁然，國際社會關注美國能否維持其民主政制。關於這點，我在史丹福大學進修時的論文導師戴雅門教授（Professor Larry Diamond）在特朗普當選後不久便發布文章Democracy Without America? 表達對美國民主發展的憂慮。
文章指出：「能否捍衛美國民主典範將取決於政府和社會領袖的行動，包括國會、州和地區政府、公務員、武裝部隊和地方警察、商界、公民機構，以及法院。」根據《美國憲法》，州政府擁有各自的州權，有關權力不能被美國聯邦政府侵犯。美國建國時設立的權力制衡制度，在三權分立基礎上進一步保障地方政府的權力，防範聯邦政府濫權。因此，各州政府不一定須向特朗普臣服。
此外，特朗普提名的司法部長已宣布退出角逐此職位，原因是未能在參議院獲得足夠支持，民主黨固然不會同意由涉嫌吸毒和曾爆出性醜聞的人擔任司法部長，共和黨員也不願意因支持蓋茨而付出政治代價，據聞已向特朗普表示不會支持，因此這項提名因支持不足而作廢。
美國原有的制度頂層設計和法律執行層面都有各種制衡手段，防止總統獨攬大權。戴雅門教授仍然審慎樂觀的在文章指出：「不應將美國大選解讀為對專制的投票。」從數字來看，雖然特朗普的民粹政策看似獲得決定性支持。文章引述美聯社數據：「共和黨初選時有1700 萬美國人把票投給特朗普；到正式大選，特朗普僅獲得共和黨10% 登記選民和7% 合資格選民的支持。」遠比初選時低。並且，賀錦麗雖敗但仍然取得7434 萬多票，特朗普僅獲50% 選票。由此可見，特朗普有獨裁傾向的政策能否獲美國大多數人支持仍是未知數。
The United States: Will It Become an Autocracy?
The success of the Republican Party in gaining control of both houses of Congress in the election, coupled with the current conservative control of the Supreme Court, has seriously impacted the system of "separation of powers" in the United States. For example, in the case where Trump was suspected of falsifying business records to pay "hush money" to an adult film star, a judge in New York recently announced an indefinite postponement of the case and allowed Trump's lawyer to file a motion to dismiss the case, causing an uproar and international concern about whether the United States can maintain its democratic system. Concerning this issue, my thesis advisor Professor Larry Diamond at Stanford University expressed concerns about the development of American democracy shortly after Trump's election in an article titled "Democracy Without America?"
The article points out: "Whether the American democratic model can be defended will depend on the actions of government and societal leaders, including the Congress, state and local governments, public servants, armed forces and local police, businesses, civil society organizations, and the courts." According to the U.S. Constitution, state governments have their own powers that cannot be infringed upon by the federal government. The system of checks and balances established at the founding of the United States further safeguards the powers of local governments based on the separation of powers, preventing federal government abuse of power. Therefore, state governments may not necessarily submit to Trump.
In addition, the Attorney General nominated by Trump has announced his withdrawal from the race for this position due to insufficient support in the Senate. The Democratic Party, of course, would not agree to have someone suspected of drug use and involved in sexual scandals serve as Attorney General, and Republicans are also unwilling to incur political costs for supporting Gates, reportedly indicating that they will not support Trump, rendering the nomination invalid due to insufficient support.
The top-level design and legal enforcement aspects of the original U.S. system have various means of checks and balances to prevent the president from monopolizing power. Professor Diamond cautiously and optimistically points out in the article: "The U.S. election should not be interpreted as a vote for autocracy." In terms of numbers, although Trump's populist policies seemed to garner decisive support, the article cites data from the Associated Press: "During the Republican primaries, 17 million Americans voted for Trump; in the general election, Trump only received support from 10% of registered Republican voters and 7% of eligible voters." Much lower than during the primaries. Furthermore, although Harris was defeated, he still received over 74.34 million votes, while Trump only secured 50% of the vote. Therefore, whether Trump's authoritarian policies can gain support from the majority of Americans remains uncertain.
昨日（11月27日），我在立法會大會上，就培育外語人才向教育局副局長作口頭質詢，以下為我的發言內容。
我：多謝主席。我與劉智鵬教授持相同看法，認為學習外語是一門易學難精的學問。數十多年前，我通過了GCE A Level的法語考試，但現在只會看懂菜單。此外，我在美國留學時修讀了3年的日語，並在國際基督教大學參加了為期6週沉浸式日語課程，但仍然無法熟練運用。因此，我認為要真正掌握一門外語，大學主修或短期交流課程並不足夠。最好能夠提供外語獎學金，讓一些有志於進攻中東市場的人士學習阿拉伯語。
我認為學習一門語言需要理解和融入當地文化。例如，我發現歐洲一些旅遊勝地的高級餐廳為中東遊客提供祈禱空間，餐牌上有阿拉伯語，且餐廳侍應不會說服客人購買高檔酒等。就此，副局長會否考慮提供獎學金，讓有志從事伊斯蘭金融人的士到中東國家學習阿拉伯語及當地文化呢？
副局長：多謝葉議員的質詢。我同意學習一門語言需要深入了解當地文化，並被語言環境所包圍，這樣才能達到一個理想的學習效果。現時，我們的大學課程已經提供了一些交流和實習機會，讓學生修讀外語。正如剛才回應另一位議員的質詢，在初中階段我們會提供該語言的課程，到大學時便可開設葉議員提到的伊斯蘭金融課程。現時，浸會大學和香港大學的專業進修學院等亦有提供阿拉伯語相關課程。與此同時，我們會考慮安排更多此類課程，並鼓勵教資會提供更多資源給這些大學，以增加這類交流活動的機會。
共和黨總統候選人特朗普強勢歸來，再度當選總統。然而，有意見認為他將威脅美國民主及長遠發展。當今世界，雖然一人一票直選政治領袖已在許多地方成為政治正確的標竿，亦把美國視為民主理想的彼岸。然而，美國總統選舉並非完全由選民直選，而是通過選舉人團制進行。這一制度源自1787 年制定的美國憲法，最初由美國各州公民先選出該州選舉人，再由選舉人代表該州投票選出總統、副總統。理論上，選舉總統的過程中，由各州推舉產生的選舉人團可以為缺乏辨別能力的普通選民把關，從而更有希望選出稱職的總統人選，防止民粹主義等嚴重後果。
關於這點，美國史丹福大學政治及社會學教授戴雅門（Larry Diamond）在 Democracy Without America? 一文中寫到：「對於選舉結果的早期分析，特朗普的勝利更多歸因於經濟和移民等問題，而非對其專制傾向的認可。然而，無論美國人支持特朗普的理由是什麼，他的競選活動清楚表明，他將不受任何全球制約，來制衡他和他的政府的反民主衝動。各種迹象顯示他是一名民粹主義的獨裁者。」他的這番言論讓我聯想到19 世紀法國政治思想家托克維爾的一部著作《民主在美國》，書中描述了托克維爾在美國考察的經歷，他從第三者的角度觀察美國的民主制度。上卷介紹美國與歐洲的不同，又指出美國地大物博，人民可以擁有自己的土地，並且獨立經營自己的生活。這種先天條件孕育出美國獨特的政治和社會價值觀。在美國社會，幾乎所有人民都抱持勤勞工作和超越他人的理想。對托克維爾而言，美國與歐洲最大的差異就是這些獨特的民主價值觀。
托克維爾讚揚民主制度在美國的成功發展，同時對民主制度下出現多數暴政的可能性提出警告。他認為自由不是個人主義和利己主義，自由不是絕對的無限制的自由，而是基於正確理解的權利。在他看來，民主的未來不是必然的，有可能走向新的專制，也有可能走向自由。
那麼，托克維爾讚揚的美國將何去何從？我們下回分解。
Tocqueville on American Democracy / 托克維爾論美國民主
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has made a strong comeback and been re-elected as president. However, some believe that he poses a threat to American democracy and its long-term development. In today's world, although one person, one vote direct election of political leaders has become a political correctness benchmark in many places, the United States is still seen as the epitome of democratic ideals. However, the election of the U.S. president is not entirely by direct vote of the people, but through the Electoral College system. This system, originating from the U.S. Constitution drafted in 1787, initially involves citizens of each state electing electors who then vote for the president and vice president on behalf of the state. In theory, during the process of electing the president, the Electoral College, composed of electors selected by each state, can act as a check on ordinary voters lacking discernment, thereby increasing the likelihood of electing a qualified presidential candidate and preventing serious consequences like populism.
Regarding this, Larry Diamond, a professor of political science and sociology at Stanford University, wrote in "Democracy Without America?" that, "Early analysis of the election results attributes Trump's victory more to economic and immigration issues than to acceptance of his authoritarian tendencies. However, regardless of the reasons Americans support Trump, his campaign clearly indicates that he will not be constrained by any global norms in balancing his and his government's anti-democratic impulses. Various signs indicate he is a populist autocrat." His remarks remind me of Alexis de Tocqueville, a 19th-century French political thinker, and his work "Democracy in America," where he describes his observations of the American democratic system from a third-party perspective. The first volume introduces the differences between America and Europe, highlighting America's vastness, where people can own their land and independently lead their lives. These inherent conditions have nurtured unique political and social values in America. In American society, almost everyone holds ideals of hard work and surpassing others. Tocqueville believes that the biggest difference between America and Europe lies in these unique democratic values.
Tocqueville praises the successful development of the democratic system in America while also warning of the potential for majority tyranny under a democratic system. He argues that freedom is not individualism and selfishness, nor is it absolute unlimited freedom, but rather rights based on correct understanding. In his view, the future of democracy is not predetermined; it could lead to new despotism or towards freedom.
So, where will the America that Tocqueville praised be headed? Let's delve into that next time.
港澳辦早前在深圳召開座談會，主任夏寶龍勉勵大家，「今日之世界非昨日之世界，香港也不能僅靠傳統優勢『一招鮮、吃遍天』，必須銳意改革，主動作為，在變局中打開香港新天地」。
「2024年香港工商界人士座談會」於11月8日舉行，夏寶龍強調香港「要想方設法加快旅遊業態升級，用好香港1,180公里海岸綫和263個島嶼，根據實際發展康養旅遊、度假旅遊、文化旅遊、郵輪旅遊等。」
零售需快轉型 達「性價比」合理
我十分認同夏主任的說法，皆因眾所周知，在與內地通關復常後，港人北上消費的趨勢一發不可收拾。有舊同事告訴我，他光顧深圳食肆，一餐消費不過40元人民幣，店方服務相當殷勤體貼，我們買單時，店長很有禮貌地問「今天的食物可以嘛？」在香港，即使不計算獨特的茶餐廳文化，在普通價位的餐廳食肆，未必獲得侍應笑容滿臉的招待。
購物方面，深圳很多商場地方大，品牌專櫃多，時裝款式比香港多，售價比香港便宜。在香港，可能因為零售銷售額下降，買時裝較容易斷碼，或要從上海或澳門運貨過來。
此外，「小紅書」等平台有各種購物攻略，例如指引大家乘坐深圳地鐵到哪個站有時裝特賣場，價格甚至比大商場的專櫃便宜一半。凡此種種，可見在「價廉物美、性價比高」這條綫上，香港難以和深圳比拼。香港零售業必須加緊升級轉型，使顧客覺得「性價比」合理，提高旅客的體驗。
我在本月初率領新民黨的「對外聯絡小組」到英國倫敦訪問，在密集的會議行程之間，亦把握周末在倫敦小遊，對作客倫敦有些體會，在這裏和大家分享，讓香港借鏡。
我們入住的酒店位於梅費爾區（Mayfair），我在酒店餐廳享用了幾天早餐，部長在第3天已稱呼我為「Miss Regina」，態度十分親切。某天早上，黨友來餐廳找我洽談公事，部長送他免費咖啡。酒店咖啡7英鎊（約68港元）一壺，還可以免費添飲，相比香港中區的酒店咖啡近80港元一小杯，而且逐杯收費，倫敦咖啡相對便宜了。
酒店以外的餐廳服務周到，侍應久不久便過來笑着問「Is everything OK？」說起來，美國的侍應都會滿臉堆歡地招呼客人，不過只是為了打賞小費，若小費不夠，他們還是會黑臉，比較起來，要為英國侍應點讚。
我們在周末晚上光顧了倫敦西區蘇豪區（Soho）一間普通價位的時尚餐廳，周末嘛，餐廳座無虛席，氣氛熱鬧。先入眼簾的，是餐廳聘用了輸入勞工，負責我們這桌的是一位身材高大、像是來自東歐的女侍應，她每次過來接單、上菜、換碟，都是笑容滿臉的，讓我們感到賓至如歸。
事實上，很多城市的遊客區都會針對旅客來源，聘用不同國籍的輸入勞工或留學生，例如日本、或在中國遊客高峰期的英歐時裝店，會有普通話售貨員，食肆會有英語侍應和不同語言的餐牌等等。一般而言，香港服務員的英語水平有待改善，香港需要思考如何提升針對不同國籍旅客的旅遊體驗。
我們在倫敦西區愛德華王子劇院（Prince Edward Theatre）欣賞了音樂劇《MJ》（《米高積遜》），晚上9時完場時，附近街道非常熱鬧，人潮湧動，不需要政府動手，也愈夜愈繽紛。
倫敦西區發展戲劇 領先西九
倫敦西區（West End）是歷史悠久、世界馳名的戲劇文化區，劇院林立，四處都有歌劇、音樂劇及其他藝術演出。和香港的西九文化區不同，西區這裏是自然有機發展（Organic Growth），成功主因是集聚效應（Cluster Effect），百年劇院多的是，上演的既有歷演不衰的經典劇目，例如《歌聲魅影》（The Phantom of the Opera）、《孤星淚》（Les Misérables），亦有近年新興的迪士尼音樂劇《冰雪奇緣》（Frozen the Musical）等等，集聚人才、演出、劇院，經年累月地形成區域性文化藝術產業區，吸引來自世界各地、一代又一代的觀眾購票入場，跟着帶動附近的餐飲及娛樂業。
香港的西九文化區完全不同，香港模式是先興建硬件，建成一幢幢博物館、劇院，再逐步引入軟件，即是展覽和節目，換句話說是「花了錢」再推出文化產品。例如今年年中引入了膾炙人口的《仙樂飄飄處處聞》（The Sound of Music），十分受歡迎，演出場地是戲曲中心大劇院，不過大劇院也只能容納1,000名觀眾左右，並不是大場地，門票收入有限。預計在2026年落成的演藝綜合劇場（Lyric Theatre Complex），將有助西九文化區引進更多吸引本地及海外觀眾的演出。
猶記得小時候我們在西環高陞戲院看大戲，座席前面是八仙枱，觀眾可以買點心入場，邊看大戲邊品茶食點心。北京老舍茶館也是類似的模式，倫敦西區也是這樣，場館門口很多酒水小食賣，整體氛圍很沉浸。西九文化區則截然不同，演出是演出，酒水小食一概欠奉，洗手間還要跑得老遠，場館既不能增加額外收入，亦未能進一步提升觀眾的觀劇體驗，十分可惜。
吸高端旅客 勿打壓私人會所
最後，這次訪英，我們先後獲邀到兩家風格迥異的高級會所作客。第一家是Annabel's，那是極為豪華的私人會所，內裏裝修非常華麗，客人非富則貴。晚宴主人家還特意叮囑我們到女洗手間拍照留念，皆因那是非常紅的自拍打卡點，連維多利亞（Victoria Beckham）都有在那堵精緻的馬賽克牆前留下倩影。
第二家是Brooks's Club，那是一幢非常具歷史價值的建築，經過多次翻新修葺而成今天的樣子。與Annabel's完全不同，Brooks's Club風格屬傳統英式，男士內進要結領帶，女士也要打扮優雅。
兩家風格不同的會所各有不同的吸引力，兩頓晚宴讓我們感受到倫敦既摩登又傳統的不同面貌，這也是國際大都會應有的樣子。倫敦做到了，香港要反思，究竟應如何把握既有的優質旅遊資源，不要打壓那些有珍貴康樂娛樂資源的私人會所，並且「想方設法加快旅遊業態升級」，針對性地吸引不同的旅遊客群，讓他們來沉浸式體驗香港。
特朗普當選後隨即公布內閣名單，觀其心儀人選，可看出來特朗普只注重順從而漠視該人選的相關工作能力或品格，這種以服從凌駕一切的委任標準，惹來廣泛爭議。
首先， 讓外界嘩然的是獲提名為美國國防部長的海格塞斯（Pete Hegseth）。海格塞斯現職霍士新聞台（Fox News）節目主持人，雖然曾在美國陸軍國民警衛隊服役，但從未有當高級軍官或其他高層職務的經驗，能否擔起國防部長的大旗，備受質疑。
另一名獲特朗普垂青提名為司法部長的蓋茨（Matt Gaetz）更受爭議。這名來自佛羅里達州的前眾議員曾因性醜聞及濫藥，受到眾議院道德委員會調查。在上一個任期，特朗普對於自己控制不了司法部心生怨懟，當時蓋茨藉着「讓美國再次偉大」浪潮，在民主黨控制的眾議會為特朗普發聲，可見對特朗普非常忠心。可是，蓋茨從事法律工作的經驗甚淺，加上品格被質疑，使美國傳媒及部分國會議員相當不滿，蓋茨獲眾議院議長力撐，且看候任總統的意願能否蓋過一切反對聲音。
特朗普能獲得那麼多選民支持，其中一個原因是他揚言要打倒「深層政府」（deep state）。所謂「深層政府」意指在政府內部真正掌權操弄國家的幕後黑手。不少選民認為他們選出的總統並不是真正的掌權人，特朗普掌握了選民這種心理而提名一些沒有任何政府關係的議員入閣，以標誌改革。
另一個能力受質疑但被提名當高官的是加巴德（Tulsi Gabbard）。加巴德是從民主黨轉過來支持特朗普的夏威夷眾議員。她曾就烏克蘭問題顯示她親俄立場及相當簡單的思維，使人懷疑她能否勝任國家情報總監一職。
特朗普宣布成立「政府效率部」，任命商人馬斯克（Elon Musk）和拉馬斯瓦米（Vivek Ramaswamy）掌舵，揚言要精簡政府架構、減少開支，並重組聯邦架構。到截稿時仍未有清晰資料顯示這兩名商界領袖如何「領導」這個新部門，是全職管理抑或只是提供意見？
Trump Cabinet Nominees Stir Controversy
Following his election, Trump promptly announced his cabinet list. By observing his favored candidates, it is clear that Trump prioritizes obedience over considering the nominees' relevant work abilities or character. This appointment standard of prioritizing obedience above all else has sparked widespread controversy.
Firstly, what stunned the public was the nomination of Pete Hegseth as the Secretary of Defense. Hegseth is currently a host on Fox News and, although he served in the United States Army National Guard, he lacks experience as a senior military officer or in other high-ranking positions. His ability to take on the role of Secretary of Defense is heavily questioned.
Another controversial figure Trump has shown interest in nominating is Matt Gaetz for Attorney General. This former congressman from Florida has been embroiled in a sex scandal and drug abuse allegations, leading to an investigation by the House Ethics Committee. During the previous term, Trump harbored resentment towards not having control over the Justice Department. At that time, Gaetz rode the wave of "Make America Great Again" to voice support for Trump in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives, showing his loyalty to Trump. However, Gaetz's lack of legal experience and his character being called into question have left many in the American media and some members of Congress dissatisfied. Despite receiving strong support from the Speaker of the House, it remains to be seen whether the incoming president's willingness can overcome all opposition.
Trump garnered support from many voters, in part due to his promise to dismantle the "deep state." The "deep state" refers to the unseen hands within the government that truly wield power and manipulate the nation behind the scenes. Many voters believe that the president they elected is not truly in charge, prompting Trump to nominate some non-government-affiliated legislators to his cabinet as a signal of reform.
Another nominee whose abilities are questioned but is appointed as a high official is Tulsi Gabbard. Gabbard, a former Democratic congresswoman from Hawaii, switched to support Trump. Her stance on the Ukraine issue showing her pro-Russia position and relatively simplistic thinking raise doubts about her suitability for the role of Director of National Intelligence.
Trump announced the establishment of the "Department of Government Efficiency" and appointed businessmen Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy to lead it, promising to streamline government structure, reduce spending, and reorganize federal architecture. By the time of the deadline, there was still no clear information on how these two business leaders would "lead" this new department—whether they would manage it full-time or merely provide advice.
民主黨在美國大選慘敗，若要擺脫目前頹勢，必須在兩年後的中期選舉重新部署，及早檢視各項策略，並於2028年選舉前重新透過初選，選出有競爭力的領袖，才有望在2028 年總統大選東山再起，重獲選民支持，再回白宮。
除了賀錦麗和沃爾茲，民主黨還有幾位備受矚目的政客。加利福尼亞州州長紐森（Gavin Newsom）是其一，他不單在加州有強大影響，在美國全國範圍內也有一定知名度。紐森曾任三藩市市長和加州副州長，是個典型的左翼民主黨政客，熱中推動中美氣候合作，曾成功推動《中華人民共和國國家發展和改革委員會與美利堅合眾國加利福尼亞州政府關於加強低碳發展和綠色轉型合作的諒解備忘錄》的簽署。紐森主張的政策體現他理性務實的一面，屬民主黨的地方實力派。
密歇根州州長惠特默（Gretchen Whitmer）是另一位可擔大旗之人。2020年新冠疫情期間，她為了阻止疫情傳播，敢於運用《國際緊急經濟權力法》（1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act）實施時間長而嚴厲的行政命令，關閉了該州的居民、學校和企業，幾乎連經濟都封鎖了。儘管這些措施引發不少爭議，但也顯示了她的果斷、經驗和執行能力。
賓夕法尼亞州州長夏皮羅（Josh Shapiro）亦被視為黑馬。他在2022 年州長選舉以壓倒性姿態勝選，出任賓州州長後一直享有很高的支持度。2023年，一條通往費城的高速公路坍塌，夏皮羅快速處理復修，贏得不少掌聲。這經歷被視為他爭取在2028 年總統大選出戰的有力政績。
不過，民主黨還在輸掉大選的哀悼期，能否重整旗鼓重回白宮，變數甚多，目前言之尚早。另一個變數自然是特朗普上場後的表現，如果特朗普執政導致美國政局混亂，鐘擺反彈，民主黨或有望東山再起。
Which leading figures are there in the Democratic Party ? / 民主黨還有哪些領軍人才？
Apart from Nancy Pelosi and Joe Biden, the Democratic Party has several other prominent figures. One of them is Gavin Newsom, the Governor of California, who not only wields significant influence in California but also enjoys a considerable level of national recognition in the United States. Newsom, a typical left-wing Democratic politician, has served as the Mayor of San Francisco and as the Lieutenant Governor of California. He is actively involved in promoting Sino-American climate cooperation and has successfully advocated for the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the National Development and Reform Commission of the People's Republic of China and the Government of California on enhancing cooperation in low-carbon development and green transformation. Newsom's policy stances reflect his rational and pragmatic side, making him a key figure within the Democratic Party.
Another potential leader is Gretchen Whitmer, the Governor of Michigan. During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, she took bold steps to curb the spread of the virus, utilizing the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act to implement extensive and strict executive orders, leading to the closure of residents, schools, and businesses in the state, essentially locking down the economy. While these measures sparked controversy, they also demonstrated her decisiveness, experience, and executive capability.
Josh Shapiro, the Governor of Pennsylvania, is also considered a dark horse. He won the 2022 gubernatorial election by a landslide and has maintained high levels of support since assuming office as the Governor of Pennsylvania. In 2023, when a highway collapsed on the way to Philadelphia, Shapiro swiftly handled the repairs, earning him considerable praise. This experience is seen as a significant achievement in his bid to run for the presidency in the 2028 elections.
However, the Democratic Party is still in a period of mourning over their election defeat. Whether they can regroup and make a comeback to the White House is uncertain, with many variables in play. Another significant variable is the performance of Trump after his re-entry onto the political stage. If Trump's governance leads to chaos in U.S. politics, there might be an opportunity for the Democratic Party to make a resurgence.
US president-elect Donald Trump’s decisive victory over Vice-President Kamala Harris, the Republican Party’s control of Congress and strong backing from his appointees on the US Supreme Court will make him the most powerful US president in recent history.
He is coming into office with the unreserved support of the world’s richest man, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index – tech mogul Elon Musk – who has just been named to lead a new department of efficiency. The massive power Trump now wields has sent shock waves across the US and around the world.
Although Beijing took care not to drop any hint of its preference, a triumphant Trump return and all that it means for the future of Sino-US relations appeared to have been within China’s calculations.
On November 8, Xia Baolong, the director of the Hong and Macau Affairs Office, convened a meeting with 29 Hong Kong business and industrial leaders, in addition to Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu and other senior officials, in Shenzhen, Guangdong province. The timing seems to have been carefully chosen to take stock of the US election results.
Trump unleashed more tremors by announcing the appointment of a motley crew of hardliners and acolytes to important cabinet and ambassadorial positions. When news broke that Trump was mulling the appointment of prominent China hawks, Senator Marco Rubio and Representative Michael Waltz, to the positions of secretary of state and national security adviser respectively, the Hang Seng Index plunged 580 points.
Rubio sponsored the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019. This landmark statute requires US government departments to assess Hong Kong’s political developments as a precondition for continuing the city’s unique status under US law. The act laid the groundwork for stripping Hong Kong of special treatment in the US and imposing sanctions on the city.
After Beijing enacted a law to safeguard national security in Hong Kong in June 2020, then-president Trump swiftly signed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act into law in July 2020 and slapped sanctions on Hong Kong almost a month afterwards. Trump’s skewed vision of Hong Kong posing a national security threat, shared by many in Congress, including Rubio, can only fill Hong Kong with grim forebodings.
At the meeting in Shenzhen on November 8, Xia said that Hong Kong is undergoing a profound change, both internally and externally. His remarks were a clear signal of Beijing’s deep concerns about the impact of the Trump administration on China, not least Hong Kong, a small but highly externally oriented economy which depends heavily on trade and the free flow of capital, information and people.
Xia sent pointed messages to both government officials and business representatives at the meeting. He warned government officials that “Hong Kong cannot rely solely on its traditional advantages by relying on just one trick”.
He urged Hong Kong to enhance its tourism appeal by taking advantage of its beautiful coastline, enchanting islands and cultural assets. Xia also encouraged government officials to invest more in science and technology.
Xia reportedly urged business leaders not to be “bystanders”, but active participants in the government’s programmes to bolster Hong Kong’s development as a premier aviation hub, seaport and trading port.
Beijing has come to Hong Kong’s rescue many times, sending tourists, capital and good-quality companies for listing in Hong Kong’s stock market. China has helped Hong Kong weather many storms.
Despite the importance President Xi Jinping has attached to Hong Kong’s success under “one country, two systems”, can a reinforced partnership between the central government, Hong Kong and big business adequately keep the city Trump-proof?
Even patriotic businessmen must do tough number-crunching before they deploy their capital to support government projects and quite rightly so. If they end up depleting their capital as the result of investing recklessly in financially non-viable projects, they would not be doing the nation, including Hong Kong, any good.
Luckily, after years of work on the Shenzhen-Hong Kong Innovation and Technology Cooperation Zone, the end of the tunnel is finally in sight. The first batch of development at the jointly run technology park at the Lok Ma Chau Loop is expected to be completed in phases starting later this year.
The park will enable Hong Kong to build centres of excellence in research and development (R&D), combining the abundant technological resources of Shenzhen with Hong Kong’s global financial and business expertise.
Another bright spot is the progress made in leapfrogging biomedical research. The government has launched a new scheme for local registration of drugs and medical devices. The Health Bureau is working with Shenzhen to set up a Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area clinical trial collaboration platform to expedite clinical trials and expand R&D networks. Hong Kong companies will be able to access bio-samples from other places that are part of the Greater Bay Area development zone.
The infrastructure to jump-start technological development is finally taking shape. Despite growing more sluggish than before, Hong Kong does not lack capital, talent or global connectivity.
The only trouble with the new Trump administration is that there are too many unknowns. How will Elon Musk function in the Trump administration? Will he be a full-time efficiency tsar or continue to wear many hats? Who would have the most influence on Trump – anti-China, anti-free trade hardliners or pragmatic entrepreneurs?
As the line-up of key officials in Trump’s administration takes shape, only time will tell what his real agenda is. In the meantime, like other parts of the world, Hong Kong must Trump-proof itself by staying calm and strong.
中譯本 : 北京和大型企業可保護香港免受特朗普影響嗎？
美國當選總統唐納德.特朗普（Donald Trump）決定性地擊敗副總統哈里斯.賀錦麗（Kamala Harris），共和黨控制了國會，並得到美國最高法院大法官的強力支持，使他成為近代最有權力的美國總統。
據彭博億萬富翁指數顯示，他將在上任時獲得世界上最富有的人——科技大亨伊隆·馬斯克（Elon Musk）的全力支持，馬斯克剛被任命負責領導一個新的效率部門。特朗普現在所擁有的巨大權力在美國乃至全球引起了震撼。
雖然北京小心翼翼地沒有透露其偏好，但一個凱旋而歸的特朗普以及這一切對中美關係未來意味著的影響似乎已經在中國的考量之中。
11月8日，國務院港澳事務辦公室主任夏寶龍在廣東省深圳市召集了29名香港商界和工業界領袖、行政長官李家超和其他高級官員舉行了一次會議。這次會議的時間看來是精心選擇，總結美國選舉結果。
特朗普宣布任命一批強硬派和信徒擔任重要的內閣和大使職位，進一步震憾外界。有消息傳出特朗普正在考慮任命著名的中國鷹派參議員馬可·魯比奧和眾議員邁克爾·瓦爾茲分別擔任國務卿和國家安全顧問時，恆生指數下跌了580點。
魯比奧推動了2019年的《香港人權與民主法案》。這部具有里程碑意義的法律要求美國政府部門在繼續根據美國法律賦予該城市獨特地位的前提下，評估香港的政治發展。這部法案為剝奪香港在美國的特殊待遇以及對該市實施制裁奠定了基礎。
在北京於2020年6月實施了維護香港國家安全的法律後，當時的總統特朗普於2020年7月迅速簽署了《香港自治法案》，並在將近一個月後對香港實施了制裁。特朗普對香港構成國家安全威脅的扭曲看法得到了眾議院眾多人士的共鳴，包括魯比奧，這將不免使香港充滿陰霾。
在11月8日深圳的會議上，夏寶龍表示，香港正在經歷內外的深刻變化。他的言論清楚地表明了北京對特朗普政府對中國，尤其是對高度依賴貿易、資金、信息和人員自由流動的香港這樣一個小而高度外向型經濟體所帶來影響的深切擔憂。
夏在會議上向政府官員和商界代表發出了明確的訊息。他警告政府官員說，“香港不能僅僅依靠傳統優勢，僅僅依賴一招”。
他提及香港可通過利用其美麗的海岸線、迷人島嶼和文化資產來增強其旅遊吸引力。夏還鼓勵政府官員在科學技術方面進行更多投資。
據報導，夏敦促商界領袖不要成為“旁觀者”，而應成為政府計劃中支持香港發展成為一流航空樞紐、海港和貿易港口的積極參與者。
北京曾多次援助香港，派遣遊客、資本和優質企業在香港股市上市。中國幫助香港度過了許多風雨。
儘管習近平主席對“一國兩制”下香港成功的重要性給予了高度重視，但中央政府、香港和大型企業之間加強合作是否足以使這座城市免受特朗普的影響呢？
即使是愛國商人在支持政府項目之前也必須進行艱巨的經濟數據分析，這是非常正確的。假如他們因為在財政上不可行的項目上投資而最終耗盡了他們的資本，那對國家，包括香港，都不會有好處。
幸運的是，在長年致力於深港創新科技合作區之後，隧道的盡頭終於看到了曙光。預計將從今年底開始分階段完成在落馬洲環繞區共同運營的科技園區的首批開發工作。
這個園區將使香港能夠建立研發（研發）卓越中心，將深圳豐富的技術資源與香港的全球金融和商業專業知識相結合。
另一個亮點是在跨越生物醫學研究方面取得的進展。政府已推出了一項新計劃，用於本地藥物和醫療器械的註冊。醫務衞生局正與深圳合作建立廣東-香港-澳門大灣區臨床試驗合作平台，以加快臨床試驗進程並擴大研發網絡。香港企業將能夠獲得來自大灣區發展區域其他地方的生物樣本。
推動科技發展的基礎設施終於初具雛形。儘管增長速度比以往緩慢，但香港並不缺乏資本、人才或全球聯繫。
新的特朗普政府唯一的問題是有太多未知數。埃隆·馬斯克將如何在特朗普政府中發揮作用？他會成為全職效率專家，還是繼續身兼多職？誰將對特朗普產生最大影響 - 反華、反自由貿易的強硬派，還是務實的企業家？
隨著特朗普政府主要官員陣容的確定，只有時間才能揭示他真正的議程。與此同時，就像世界其他地區一樣，香港必須通過保持冷靜和堅強，來使自己免受特朗普的影響。
11月19日，我和議員黨友 黎棟國 Lai Tung Kwok 、 陳家珮 Judy Chan 、 何敬康 Adrian Ho 就控煙政策與香港吸煙與健康委員會代表會面。
吸煙與患上癌症及慢性疾病有直接的關係，是全球疾病負擔的第二大風險因素。在香港，吸煙不但每年導致近 7,000 人死亡（包括接近 700人為不吸煙人士因接觸二手煙而引致），更造成龐大醫療開支及生產力損失。因此，政府目標在2025年將吸煙率降至7.8%，並長遠達至「無煙香港」。為了推行此目標，政府於今年6月公布新一期禁煙措施，包括十項控煙短期措施。當中，全面禁止另類吸煙產品（即包括電子煙及加熱煙等）備受關注。
委員會代表表示曾邀請市民進行街頭訪問及測試在吸食水煙後體内一氧化碳水平的變化，結果發現不少受訪者都認為吸水煙是社交娛樂的行為，而且普遍輕視了水煙的禍害。就此，我和議員黨友向委員會代表反映不少成年煙民早已吸煙多年，要以這類高壓的「禁令」逼令其戒煙難度極高，希望委員會能從源頭入手，加強戒煙的教育及宣傳工作，一方面預防年輕人養成吸煙習慣，另一方面鼓勵已有吸煙習慣的煙民戒煙，從而實現「無煙香港」的目標。